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In this episode, The Changing Character of War program welcomes Dr. Kenneth Payne,
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a senior lecturer in the School for Security Studies at King's College London.
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His talk explores the evolutionary basis of strategic behaviour from chimpanzees to computers,
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teasing out the connections between liberal warfare and human evolution.
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So the colour coding here is three parts of the book comes in three parts.
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The first part is all about evolution or fixes on evolution, and that's my thesis there.
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The second part is a bit about culture, which I'm going to gloss over in just three or four slides.
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And then the last part is probably the bit that some that might be of most interest to you is the bit
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about artificial intelligence and the ways in which artificial intelligence will shape strategy.
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And the overall thesis of the book in a nutshell is that there have been and everybody likes to be kind of reductive about revolutions in warfare.
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I think if the Toffler's, for example, that posited three revolutions in human history, the agricultural revolution,
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the information age, the story, the Industrial Revolution, and the Information Age Revolution I wouldn't bet it.
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The Toffler's beginning for two revolutions, a cognitive revolution early in human history that some, I argue,
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set up the basis for some underlying and enduring principles of strategy in the sense that most of us would understand strategy.
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And then an artificial intelligence revolution that challenges the evolved
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cognitive psychology that had been a longstanding part of our human history.
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So two revolutions, the evolution of a cognitive package to do with language and and theory of mind,
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and then latterly a revolution in artificial intelligence, which is just getting underway.
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So part one and the bits about evolved psychology, my thesis is that there is a dynamic relationship between strategy and evolution.
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That is to say that the need to think strategically was a strong factor in shaping our human
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evolution and also the way in which we evolved in pace with constraints on how we did strategy.
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Hopefully I wouldn't say too much about what strategy is, but in a nutshell, for those of you that might not be familiar with the term,
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I'm talking here primarily about military strategy, the use of organised social violence in pursuit of some political goal.
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My thesis is that some another Tom Jones who is not my thesis is not even Tom's, but he's done some tremendous work on it.
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The general thesis is that Greek surmise has an important effect on winning or losing in combat,
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and the need to cooperate together in progressively larger human groups has been one of the fundamental driving forces shaping human evolution.
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I got started on this project reading a book that I commend you all in the late seventies and early 80 seconds devours chimpanzee politics.
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If you haven't seen that. Grab a copy of that highly entertaining account of life and death in a chimpanzee colony colony in Arnhem,
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and the game's inverted commas that the chimpanzees played in order to get ahead and assume a dominant position within the hierarchy,
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colony and devil at the end of the book asks the question.
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Interesting question Do chimpanzees think strategically?
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And he answers that, yes, they do think strategically, but I think it is a slight oxymoron.
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They do so instinctively. There's not he doesn't necessarily suppose,
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a particularly sophisticated degree of self-reflection and reflection about the minds of
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others on the part of chimpanzees is much of their strategic behaviour is innate to them,
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is instinctively acquired.
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And I think not that I want to disagree on this eminent primatologists in the world, but I think it is something of a disservice to chimpanzees.
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And I think the view on chimpanzee cognition and theory of mind has moved on since the late seventies.
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So on the one hand, he's doing a disservice to chimpanzees because they are capable of thinking about the intentions of others,
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not as not to the same degree that we are, but they are to a certain degree.
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And on the other hand, he does limit service,
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because I think there's is the supposition that we as humans think in rational and calculating terms about strategy is unfair.
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We do a lot of unconscious, instinctive, horrific type thinking about strategy, just as the chimpanzees do.
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So Deval set me going and the question was, do animals fight wars?
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And if they do, do they fight wars in the strategic sense? Do they make use of violence in an instrumental and passive way?
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And my answer was this was answer fight pretty totalitarian wars of the entire destruction of other and colonies in other species,
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that they do so on a fairly automatic situational basis.
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They're responding in an evolved fashion to instinctive clues from the environment about how they ought to behave.
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Chimpanzees, on the other hand, certainly fight wars come on tonight in the second.
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And then he did so with a little bit more of what we might call strategic thought, a little bit more conscious reflection on what they're doing.
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And so that was my starting point. Way too much about the middle part of the book.
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Middle part of the book is a dilemma coming to anybody looking for general patterns in strategic behaviour.
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It's you've got the whole gamut of human history.
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What can you say about strategic behaviour that unites strategy across all these different varieties and cultural circumstances?
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That's book classes wrestle with, of course, is the tension between historicism something that's particular to the moment in theory,
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the ability to say something general across all particular areas or multiple areas.
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The second tension that the tension between historicism, the local, the particular and history with a capital H,
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the idea that history is driving forward towards some particular purpose.
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That that's the that's the tension I wrestle with in the middle part of the book,
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the bit about culture that I'm not going to spend too much time thinking thinking about here today.
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And then lastly, the last part of the book, can artificial intelligence strategy save that for the end?
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Here to kick it off, we come to chimpanzees and their ability to think strategically.
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This is a paper in 2014 in which the chimpanzees demonstrated an ability that might have
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appealed to social scientists from the middle of the 20th century to win a game of strategy.
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This is the game they're playing here is a little bit like pieces of rock.
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You have to guess what your adversary actually can't see.
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The chimpanzee is play. It's the chimpanzee here. Is that back to back?
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So they can't see what the adversary is choosing. One of them is tasked with matching the shapes.
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And and if he guesses, if he matches the shapes that the other chimp throws, he wins.
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The other is tasked with mismatching the shapes that the chimp race.
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So he knows he's got to think about what the other chimp is going to throw and then produce a mismatch.
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So you've got a strategic game to play,
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a strategic game in which they've got to try and guess what the other person going to do and behave accordingly.
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Chimpanzees outperform humans at this game, which if you were a scholar of the standard social science model of the rational activity,
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expected utility payoffs, that would be a puzzle. Why are the chimpanzees so good at it and why the humans are less good at it?
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And if you change the payoffs or if you change whether one's a match or a mismatch and they tell them very quickly,
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the chimpanzees change tack and start behaving according to how the change suggests that they should on a mathematical basis, they come.
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Very close to the optimal mathematics solution that humans are hopeless at it comparatively.
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The question is why and what does that mean? And the answer for me is not that chimpanzees are better strategists.
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It's that they're pursuing a different strategic logic. The chimpanzees are responding more instinctively to the payoffs.
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The humans are trying to second guess what the adversary is doing.
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Humans are making that strategy using theory of mind.
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They're trying to play the idea that, you know, the innate game and the chimpanzees aren't playing that game.
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They just want to sweep that they get for winning the game. And it's the over complication that we put into it,
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trying to read what the intention of others are the producers in this narrowly to play game a suboptimal outcome.
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So chimpanzees more rational actors than humans are in that game.
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Chimpanzees, we know because they're evolutionarily close to us.
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We parted company for them some 6 million years ago. Very useful comparator in terms of thinking about strategy.
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And in answer to Duval's question, you know, do chimpanzees fight wars?
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When he wrote that in 79, I think it was the goomba extreme war had just ended.
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I'm not sure whether where they could all have actually published about it,
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but the dominant view at the time in anthropology and actually in climatology as well was still,
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you know, chimpanzees were fairly peaceful, fun loving kind of characters.
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Since when that view has changed almost 180 degrees and the survey that shouldn't say we're going to say random, of course, Richard Wrangham,
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famous primatologist at Harvard,
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it turns out that some chimpanzee life is extremely violent at best interest group when you're struggling for dominance as it develops.
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Chimpanzees were on them and also between groups in terms of these chimpanzee wars.
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And the the paper by Wrangham that compiles all the available evidence around in 2006
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about how many wars were fought and what the levels of casualties were in these wars.
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And it turns out the chimpanzee life inside the group is much, much more violent than Detroit in the 1970s,
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and that some the levels of war were between chimpanzee groups allowing for small
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sample size was quite likely to be on a par with hunter gatherer communities.
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And we'll see what that was in the moment.
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Here's some chimpanzees behaving you might think strategically, perhaps in response to innate subconscious inclinations.
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They're conducting a chimpanzee patrol here and they patrol into the territory of neighbouring chimpanzees and they're doing the tactics
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when it comes to waging a war like the going to extreme war is the raid and ambush that typically attack the 10 to 1 force ratios.
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And so if they can't not heavily outnumber their adversary, they'll stage a silent retreat back away until such time as they do.
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WRANGHAM Theory is that this behaviour, which contrasts markedly with that of bonobos,
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they tend to fight wars, spend a lot of time having a good time.
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Range theory is that the distribution of food which forced chimpanzees to forage in an isolated fashion,
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may be particularly vulnerable to predation in this way by their fellow chimpanzees,
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because they had to fissure into small groups to go foraging for food, they could very quickly be outnumbered and defeated by other chimpanzees.
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The question is, is that strategic behaviour or not?
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On the one hand, the chimpanzees are capable of waging a sustained war against another group of chimpanzees.
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In that extreme war they annihilated the other group of chimpanzees.
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That survey every last chimpanzee.
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I think there were a couple of females left over that were absorbed back into the original population and they waited over a period of years,
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you might say, well, that's not necessarily strategic behaviour and you know,
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they're following an evolved inclination to conduct these patrols and to stage ambushes and I think you'd probably be right about that.
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For me, the big difference that makes our behaviour more strategic in the sense that we're familiar with is our capacity for this theory of mind,
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for intuiting what other people want and communicating on the basis of that in order to derive an effective strategy.
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So I start with chimpanzee wars and I say yes.
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On the one hand they can do instinctive strategy, but there's something different about humans.
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And what's different about humans is our ability to communicate and to plan for an imagined future.
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And the basic theory that elaborate in part one is that there is enough violence in
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the hunter gatherer world in which we evolved for almost all of our human history.
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There is a sufficiently high level of violence like in that chimpanzee world.
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To force us to become effective co-operators, we have to cooperate.
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Otherwise, we go out of business. That's essentially the theory.
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So, as you might know, Robin Dunbar's work here may have heard Dunbar's number.
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Dunbar's number? Yeah. And under the back? I hope not.
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Robin Dunbar. I've never met Robin Dunbar. So. So Dunbar's number is the size.
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Your neocortex correlates very effectively with the size of social group in which you live in the larger neocortex, the theory goes.
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The greater the ability. You have to track the key essentials of life in a social group.
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And these key centres are essentially who's up, who's down and who's shagging who.
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These are the things that you won't be able t t to understand.
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And if you if you correlate a chimpanzee neocortex sized chimpanzee cortex size relationship,
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you can extend that line outwards to humans and come up with what's called Dunbar's number.
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Dunbar's number for humans is 150. That's the size of hunter gatherer community in which we spent a lot of our early human evolution.
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It's a very rough rule of thumb because actually the site you hang out with on a day to day basis would be near 50 people.
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That would be your kinship band, people you primarily be related to.
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And you come together in this gathering of 150 for an overnight camp, perhaps for reasons of security.
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Dunbar's number is one aspect of the theory of human evolution called the social theory of cognitive evolution,
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which says a lot of our functions are derived to help us navigate this complex, increasingly co-operative,
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interdependent world 50 to 150 people with whom we would spend most of our time.
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That's the group that we hung out here now.
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The second big theory to think about is Frederick Manchester's mathematical laws of armed conflict dating to 1916.
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Anybody familiar with those yet to be familiar with? They say without without stretching the point.
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Point one, this is an abstraction. It's a mathematical abstraction.
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It's not meant to correlate precisely to real world behaviour.
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But Manchester's argument was that the benefits that would accrue from being in a larger group would be disproportionate to the size of that group.
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That's what he call square. If fighting is structured so that it's a melee, basically a wall against all, then the fighting power of the group,
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all of the things being equal will increase geometric t relative to the size of the group.
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The advantages from being in a larger group will increase geometrically if fighting is structured.
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So it's one on one. So imagine a series of duels at dawn.
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Or imagine, as I do later in the book, Hoplite Warfare, where the formations force you to fight 1 to 1 rather than in an overall melee.
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Then it still matters to be big, but it matters in a linear fashion.
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Say provided fighting is disorganised or there is a capacity to concentrate fire, not renown,
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strategic principle, concentrating force where you can then the fighting power increases geometrically.
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So the question is, is, is there enough fighting in hunter gatherer communities early in human evolution to
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force the agglomeration of humans together into larger groups and in larger groups?
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Perforce, they have to fight.
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You have to be in a group with people to whom you're not directly related, and you have to find a way of cooperating with strangers.
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And the answer I make, the claim I make in the book and I'm not alone in making plenty of other people make it as well,
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is that, yes, there was enough fighting in hunter gatherer times to force people to cooperate together.
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So the result I suggest is that there was sufficient violence early in human history to put
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pressure on humans to start cooperating with people with whom they might not know each other.
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Manchester's law provides a mathematical formulation of that.
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That is to say the prevalence of war solves what's known as the free riding problem.
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Free riding problem is essentially a problem of loafing. If you get enough people together, there'll always be some people who slack off.
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And if it's a matter of fighting somebody to the death, I personally would be on the side of the slacker office.
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So what is it that's going to make me cooperate?
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That's going to stop me from slacking off?
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One answer is to this the prevalence of war forces,
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cooperation and scrutiny of how people are behaving within a particular book say the problem to be solved,
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you'll be aware, is the classic problem of the prisoner's dilemma. And the payoffs is just in the prisoner's dilemma,
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such that non-cooperation tends to be the favoured option, even if cooperating would be better for you.
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The solution to that problem, as Samuel Bowles argues, as Peter Turchin argues,
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is that there is sufficient violence to force the read out that on co-operators and to force cooperation.
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And actually you can see echoes of that in a couple of days.
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Research is there. So the basic theory of cooperation in an evolutionary sense is from Robert TRIVERS
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Trivers argues that we cooperate with non kin on the basis of reciprocal altruism.
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That is, if I scratch your back, I do so with the supposition that in years to come you might scratch my back.
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So I will behave altruistically to you on the assumption that I'll get some payback later on.
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That's the basic theory of reciprocal altruism,
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and that requires you to have a make a pretty good bet about it that the probability of being paid back in that future date,
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of course, the incentive then is to cheat, to get away with having your back scratched without returning the favour, so to speak.
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And Dan Ariely and Travis himself have demonstrated that very ably trivers in the in the world of animals.
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Ariely, in some fascinating experiments on his students, proved that our inclination is to cheat and then lie about it.
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But what actually proved this is quite interesting is that we lie about it not just to the people we're cheating, we lie about it to ourselves.
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So we have the capacity to persuade ourselves that we are good, honest co-operators, even while we're cheating.
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So we can see that the natural inclination is not to be a free,
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cooperative member of society, even though the pressure of war suggests that we should be.
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But there is, because of that pressure of war, I argue, still some inclination to cooperate.
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And you can see that.
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When you do real world experiments with the prisoner's dilemma, in theory, in game theoretical terms, the incentive is to cheat and not to cooperate.
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In practice, if you give the prisoner's dilemma to normal people, they tend to cooperate, even where it's a one shot game.
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So there's no possibility of playing the same person again. So you can't build a reputation for trust that might shape your behaviour.
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Was a one shot game with a stranger.
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We have a tendency to wait to cooperate and the argument is that tendency to cooperate has evolved within us as a result,
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as I say, these pressure of warfare. And in fact, even if you give the prisoner's dilemma to genuine real life prisoners who ought to know better,
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they tend to cooperate more than is suggested by the prisoner's dilemma.
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So this evolutionary picture then that I take out of the first part combines this notion of reciprocal altruism.
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Lanchester His idea,
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the victory goes to the big battalions in a disproportionate sense and comes up with what I think is the the dominant approach to strategy,
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which is to be strong everywhere, if you're strong everywhere. Of course, strategy is very easy.
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And the strategy that the strong evolved with involves scale, mass and concentration of force.
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And and that couldn't I gave you Voltaire a moment ago.
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Victory doesn't belong to the big chains. It belongs to the best shooters.
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Lanchester would disagree with that, and I would suggest the evidence from evolutionary history is against that as well,
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which we generally get used to the big battalions, as Stone said of the pope.
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How many divisions? SIEGEL And say there is still that in-built supposition that mass pays off in the end.
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But you will say, you know, even if you're strong, you don't want to be a muffett.
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You also want to combine your strategy, the strong with being strong everywhere with some sensible tactics.
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And that's what the chimpanzees do.
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They make they in conducting a raid and an ambush rather than pitched battle against the same number of adversary chimpanzees.
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What they're doing effectively is building a force ratio that Lanchester would say is dominant to create a localised force ratios,
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even a strong use rate and an ambush. And if you look at this book wall before civilisation,
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that pattern is very strongly evident across ethnographic studies and archaeological studies
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that the dominant strategy in warfare is rate an ambush rather than pitched battle.
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And if you're on the on the weak side, that's when strategy gets really interesting,
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because you have to find a way of offsetting these advances to decrease the others.
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So you adopt all these sort of approaches and surprise, deception and fortification, manoeuvre.
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And if you are the borrowers, as the Americans call the British army, you come up with the British way of warfare,
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which is to try and be more flexible and you get throwing about it and reverse.
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Three. Max Fraser if you don't know, Max raises work and you should.
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He's a statistician at Oxford and he's produced extensive database on all sorts of fascinating stuff.
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The world, the world and figures and the general picture is that if he has a general motif is that the world is getting a better place,
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which is not always how it feels. A day's out for an American election,
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but he has compiled a whole range of statistical information about it's the most comprehensive list that I've seen of archaeological
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evidence for prevalence of warfare and hunter gatherer communities and ethnographic studies of warfare in hunter gatherer communities.
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And on the right here, you can't make out any of the detail here, but on the right this is violent deaths per 100,000 in state societies.
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Down at the bottom here is the world in 2007.
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So that's that's that's the the [INAUDIBLE] pit that we live in at the moment.
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Battle deaths 0.33 deaths per 100,000 people for the world in 2007.
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Whereas if you look at this hunter gatherer community study in the 1840s in California.
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1450 deaths per hundred thousand, saying hunter gatherer communities tend to have the most violent men,
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but they tend to have more violence, more violent deaths than do more modern state communities.
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So was there enough warfare in the course of human history to drive consumption behaviour and get rid of free riders?
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The answer for me is yes and that's the claim I take out of the first part of the book.
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I didn't spend a bit of time thinking through the implications of what that means for human cognition and
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for the heretics that we've developed to help us think strategically when we go into any of that here.
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That's part one of the book and an evolutionary history of warfare. It pays to be big.
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There's enough fights around to force us to agglomerate in large groups and to force it to learn patterns of cooperative
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behaviour and shortcuts for thinking about who we trust and who we shouldn't trust to allow us to think strategically.
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In part to the book. I take that forward and see if it holds in the cultural era.
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And the answer is that it kind of does.
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But stuff complicates it for reasons of time. I'm not going to get into.
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I use three fairly well-trodden examples.
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It's all about the Greeks and hoplites.
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And I talk about the invention of writing and particularly the invention of strategic studies as a separate way of thinking reflectively about war.
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And the take out from that study. The Greeks is that writing provided a first example of artificial intelligence,
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if you like, a means of offshoring, part of our cognition outside of our brain.
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I won't say any more about that example to Clausewitz and Napoleonic warfare.
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Again, I'm not going to say too much more about that. I will say a little bit about nuclear weapons.
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And the take out from the middle part of the book is that Manchester's law breaks down in the cultural era because
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fighting power is not just about the number of men that you have at your disposal and their ability to concentrate force.
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It's also about technology in the cultural areas technologies of warfare, weapons technologies, but not just weapons technologies.
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Technology screws Manchester's abstract thinking about the importance of scale when it comes to strategy.
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And the apotheosis of that, of course, is nuclear weapons, where the analogy can inflict as much damage as a thousand plane fighter bombing raid.
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On take, you say scale, which you have nuclear weapons becomes less of an issue.
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Of course, you need scale in order to develop nuclear weapons in the first place.
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I said at the beginning, I posited two revolutions in military affairs, the one the cognitive revolution,
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the flexible package to construct grips flexibly in order to deal with violence in the world.
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And second, artificial intelligence. And one of the other contenders for a revolution in military affairs that changed everything is nuclear weapons.
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Robert Jervis, many of you will know, said that nuclear weapons were a revolutionary development in warfare.
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They were the revolutionary development in warfare.
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Bernard Brody, the American strategic thinker on hearing about the destination of the first nuclear bomb,
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said that he thought it made everything else he had ever written redundant and obsolete.
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He thought that the entirety of strategic history was redundant and obsolete because nuclear weapons are transforming so much.
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I think he was wrong. He was wrong. But I also think that this is wrong in the sense that nuclear weapons are revolutionary.
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They're an important development in the history of warfare, for sure.
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But I didn't think the revolution and the reason is at the bottom of their strategy.
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Even with nuclear weapons remains a matter of our evolved human psychology.
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We still making decisions about the employment of nuclear weapons,
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using precisely the same cognitive architecture that we evolved with 4050, 200,000 years of our human evolution.
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So all these factors in nuclear strategic theory, escalation, the need to demonstrate credibility, miscalculation,
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the scope for misperception, they are all subject to the same evolved cognitive, psychological foibles that we brought with us before.
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Jervis said that nuclear weapons were revolutionary on the basis that they would transform the balance between denial and punishment.
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And of course, you have a nuclear standoff through mutually assured destruction, and the threat of retaliation is how you use the weapon.
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So is the threat of using the weapon rather than the actual use of the weapon that delivers you more strategic result.
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And what he said is there's no point trying to deny nuclear weapons.
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You can't defend against them. And instead, your strategic use of nuclear weapons relies entirely on the threat of punishment.
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I'm not entirely sure that is revolutionary. Firstly, because denial and punishment both featured before the onset of nuclear weapons.
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You could certainly deny through the construction of fortification or the use of terrain, use of things.
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And you could also threaten punishments through retaliatory attack.
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You didn't need nuclear weapons. Individual nuclear weapons gave you an assured ability to punish.
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But punishment was certainly a feature of strategy even before the development of nuclear weapons.
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So I'm not sure in Genesis account that nuclear weapons are particularly revolutionary.
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That's what I'll say about them here. Reasons of time.
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I wanted to get ahead to the artificial intelligence because I'm aware that that's
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probably why most of you here not to hear me rambling on about chimpanzees warfare.
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So in very quick order, my headline for artificial intelligence is that it is a revolution in military affairs,
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is a revolution in strategic affairs precisely because it challenges the underlying evolved psychological
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abilities that we've brought to bear to tackle strategic problems since we emerged on the planet and even before,
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you know, antecedent species. Here are some examples of artificial intelligence from recent months.
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Let's go with the easy ones. Do you believe what's going on there? Yeah.
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Google's AlphaGo. Yeah. The part of the world.
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The world leading go. Yeah. Did you release it all for one? The World Championship.
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And before that? Very quickly. We very quickly adopt hindsight bias with achievements like that.
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And assuming, of course, it beat him before that pretty well. Every A.I. expert at DeepMind was saying it couldn't be done,
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couldn't be done for 20 years because they'd all been trying to do it goes right for those you don't know who wins or version where the ball game.
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It's a very simple constrained what now developer would call a toy universe.
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It's not like the complex, messy reality of winning in Vietnam.
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There are only a certain number of moves that can take place at two different varieties moves that can take place on the keyboard,
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but they can do so with such dazzling combinatorial complexity that there are more possible moves mathematically than there are atoms in the universe.
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So you can't solve a game of going through brute force calculation,
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which is why A.I. developers have said it would be 20 odd years before anybody came
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close to performing at the level of the world champion still is beating him anyway.
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Within DeepMind, they were pretty confident they trash him and they truly did.
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So that's not one this one you. But you know, that one is a wreckage or helicopter flying upside down.
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But more significantly, the Knights and rings, remote control helicopter flying upside down from 2006.
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And this is one of the first deep learning nets that you don't know how deep learning net and rough terms.
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It's analogous to the connections of neurones in your brain.
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It's a very loose analogy, but that was the inspiration that started AI researchers off down this sort of
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what's called constructivist constructionist approach to artificial intelligence.
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So Hayes was the first one to figure out how to fly a helicopter from first principles.
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It encountered the universe of the helicopter and it flew and crashed the flew and crashed.
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It flew and crashed on a simulator. But he could afford the models to actually and even over again.
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And then eventually it reached that takeoff point and it mastered helicopter flight to the point at which it could roll a helicopter,
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which is no mean feat for any helicopter pilots, because normally they crash at that point.
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So not only could you grow the form to pretty complex manoeuvres as well, this one down here is in the last couple of weeks.
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Anybody seen this one? You know, this guy is he's an American Air Force colonel.
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He retired. He is a a superiority combat instructor.
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Who is his job? Dogfighting. Top gun stalwarts we've spent his career doing.
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Now he works as a consultant for air companies.
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And this is him, as they say, having his ass handed to him by an artificial intelligence system that's running off blackberry pie,
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running on the BlackBerry Pi mobile phone. And he was unable to beat it in repeated air to air combat activities.
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And that's only now in the last couple of weeks. And it's really combat against human vessels is something that obviously the Pentagon
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has engineers been working on since the 1980s with no particular degree of success.
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It's just a complicated control problem to be able to process all the relevant
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information in the required amount of time to to defeat a sophisticated human adversary.
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But it's now been done. Pentagon, by the way, still planning to put a man in the cockpit of the next generation long range bomber,
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which is something that they might think about again.
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And you know what this is? That's that's an intelligent design.
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He's a visionary design are where they brand the computers.
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How did you know that? And it was ever known that if you actually geek out yet that's exactly what it is
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it's very old now is a nicer antenna to go on a satellite communication antenna.
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And it was designed using A.I., which is why it looks like that wacky shape.
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It's not the sort of thing that I would sit down with it, design me an antenna I'd come up with,
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used a straight forward thing like that one bend and it came out looking like that.
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And that is the optimal solution that is designed better than it than a human could do it.
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And I think together these things show a range of the sort of military relevant activities that I is involved with already.
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This is this is weapons design right now.
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Already you can read this in stations for them on on the US Army website solicitations to use air to design bunker penetrating munitions.
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So air is already involved in designing weapon systems.
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As I'm walking over here with Rob and we were talking about the carriers, the Navy carriers was the favourite project of the Royal Navy.
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We might also have been talking about the US Air Force man and long range bomber.
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These are weapon systems that are designed partly with the efficiency imperative in mind.
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You know, war has an efficiency imperative. If you don't do it well, you go out of business.
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But partly also of course to reflect the institutional proclivities of the organisations that design them.
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Bureaucratic politics in action that's only sustainable.
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Well, have been designed by human and I probably wouldn't design you an aircraft carrier.
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You might not like what it designed you, but it would design you something a bit different from from what you would come up with.
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So alien weapons design, this is not just to be in strategic situations or operational situations,
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situations with less structure to them when it comes to decision making and this is off to a tactical level,
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activities across a range of military savings activities.
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And my argument is to my good friends who work for DeepMind, who show me on a regular basis that they are not involved in defence related research,
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and indeed it is one of their criteria for being bought by Google that they
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would not engage in defence related activities a little analogous to to nuclear
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weapons development and the idea of dual use technologies where you have civil nuclear capability capable of being switched over to military ones,
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but even more so in this case, because air is entirely about autonomous decision making in imperfectly understood environments,
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and that is an inherently military strategic capability, regardless of their desire to keep them separated.
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So let me let me close this section for reasons of time. Some questions.
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The way I've tackled air here in the book is through some dualism isms that I think a
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particularly relevant considering how I will affect strategic level decision making.
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First, the distinction between narrow and generally I.
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So when Stephen Hawking tells you that we've unleashed the demon we must unleash, the demon air is coming to take us over.
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He's talking about generally that is not just unbounded flexibility, capable of reaching decisions across a range of activities.
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It's not just a chess computer. It might also decide what steel garden, but it's its air that is capable,
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that is motivated to some extent intrinsically by itself, to do these things.
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That's what he's frightened about. It's a flexibly I is motivated to do it.
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So in fact, I'm not so much concerned about that for all sorts of reasons.
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But I think there's plenty of you because.
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Concerned about women still talking about narrow domains, specifically in the tactical impact of narrow domain specific.
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So that's one big distinction when we're talking about narrowly.
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I was talking about, Lisa, of being beaten there. I mean, to my generally, I have a look at the top, a robotics challenge from this year.
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The robots are still incapable of doing fairly basic stuff like opening doors, climbing over fences without toppling over.
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And I think, you know, the complexity,
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the combinatorial explosion in doing some of the things that we take for granted is still beyond what our current level of I can do.
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Second, you ask, is between tactical and strategic decision making.
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So flying that helicopter up upside down or defeating us, colonel,
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in that's where combat is a tactical level activity tactical level military activity still require some generalist knowledge,
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flexible skills across a range of activities. And they're still hard.
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It's not a chess computer. It's altogether more complex to learn to fly a helicopter.
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The last couple of of Judaism's before I. I stopped talking with you.
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One is this question of autonomy and self-directed A.I., and this opens a real can of worms.
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To what extent is artificial intelligence capable of making decisions for itself?
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And to what extent is it responding to inputs that you put in ahead of time ex-ante?
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And in an ideal world, you would like to have the idea of your strategic goal within your tactical goal,
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and you would tell the machine to achieve that, and it would go out and achieve it.
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And that's what the Army calls mission command. It does it today. You tell them what you want to achieve.
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You tell them your commander's intent, and you leave them to figure out how it is to achieve them.
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So in an ideal world, you would quite like that to be your relationship with autonomous performance.
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In terms of chief, they are autonomous to the extent that they are carrying out activities that you have told me to do upfront,
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and that's fine, well and good,
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except that you don't always know what it is that you want them to do upfront because you can't anticipate situations that may arise down the street.
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It's fine, well and good because you may be Satisficing is the term is a dishonest term
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is between different goals that you want to achieve that might be intention.
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Can you specify which goal you want machine to achieve?
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Which goal is the most important or otherwise?
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00:40:20,750 --> 00:40:29,270
Boston's Beijing paid ticket counter is going to be read Boston superintelligence if you if you want an intro to the to the to the
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00:40:29,270 --> 00:40:36,410
scary Elon Musk Stephen Hawking site of artificial intelligence Bostrom book on superintelligence is a pretty good place to start.
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00:40:36,680 --> 00:40:41,270
And his nightmare scenario is the paperclip counter the paper accounts it has the
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00:40:41,270 --> 00:40:45,410
best intentions in the world in fact has no intention is not is not out to get you.
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00:40:45,630 --> 00:40:53,060
It's just been tasked with counting to 100. You want it to count 100 paperclips and tell you when it's done, that there are 100 paperclips there.
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And then they end. In Bostrom scenario, it conquers the known universe in order to count these paper because it can't count
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them to the degree of certainty that it is happy 100% that they're 100 paperclips.
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So in 98, 99, 100. Job done.
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Did I get it right? Just have one more check. 93, four, five, six.
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00:41:13,520 --> 00:41:16,729
And it gets 90 to 100 and it's reasonably short. It has done it twice.
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00:41:16,730 --> 00:41:23,090
Now you can have one more check because it's a vanishingly small probability that it counted wrong twice and it will carry on doing this.
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And as a genius artificial intelligence system that has been tasked with this thing and nothing else,
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00:41:29,510 --> 00:41:34,730
it will secure all the resources, Bostrom argues. We don't know that it's obsidian.
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It will secure all the resources in the universe in order to keep counting the paperclips to make sure it's got 100 paperclips.
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That is an example of the agent principal problem gone disastrously wrong.
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All you wanted to know is is the roughly 100 paperclips that unless you specify it up front,
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your very clever artificial intelligence will keep counting and securing the resources to enable it to keep counting.
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So the principle problem is a key thing.
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How do you put in enough safeguards to ensure that the machine is going to do exactly what you want and not what it thinks you want?
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And if you can see the military dimension flashing autonomous weapons systems,
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I just asked you to kill this one guy, and now you're doing all sorts of other stuff that I didn't ask me to do.
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I talk in the book about consciousness and the possibility of machines becoming conscious, and I won't go into that here.
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The last the last few before I finish,
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what is the distinction between that I make between evolved human cognition and artificially intelligent machines?
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Doing strategy is probably a false dichotomy.
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It's not a dichotomy. It is not probably it is a false dichotomy.
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Artificial intelligence and human intelligence are probably not going to be seen as as separate entities for all that long.
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And HCI is human computer interface.
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And the extent to which you are using artificial intelligence systems as part of
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your normal cognition and pokémon's augmented reality is an example of that.
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Or the use of a chip in your brain that's reading your prosthetic arm.
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To tell you what your prosthetic arm is feeling as an example is where mind computer merge if you like another dollop of project.
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The quadriplegic woman at some at MIT has flown in F-35 through the power of her thoughts.
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She's flying distant, not real. I 35 about ten of these in existence but she's flown in a simulator using the power of her mind.
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00:43:41,180 --> 00:43:49,700
So I think the breakdown between what is evolved human cognition and what is artificially intelligent cognition will probably blend a little bit.
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00:43:50,000 --> 00:43:55,040
So that's another another duality. They talk about defence and civilian research.
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00:43:55,160 --> 00:44:02,280
I'm pretty hard over on in the book. It's all defence research. It's all about decision making in complicated environments.
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00:44:02,680 --> 00:44:06,250
And to me, this is real universes. A lot of A.I. recession.
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00:44:06,510 --> 00:44:14,629
Longstanding A.I. researchers are pessimistic about A.I., and I think they are say, by inclination because they've been at it a long time.
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And it's a frustrating game.
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And they are by inclination because they want to counter unjustified hyperbole, the sort of, you know, massacres with is talking about.
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But but I think that that pessimism is to a certain extent, unwarranted.
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You know, toy universes can be pretty complicated and they are doing pretty well in these twin universes.
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Let me finish for for reasons of time, if nothing else with I then offer by way of conclusion the book Ways in which artificial
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intelligence is going to change strategy and perhaps take a lot more in questions,
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the sort of the sorts of things in regards to, oh,
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that A.I. changes the balance between offence and defence because it allows like a concentration of force.
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00:44:58,720 --> 00:45:02,920
Hey, I shift your tolerance for risk. Firstly, because you're not losing any of your own people.
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Secondly, because your actions are not being driven by your own emotional cognition, A.I. makes the man in the loop unsustainable.
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Apartment issued defence position on artificial intelligence weapons.
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There will always be a man in the loop, a lawyer making a decision on what machines can and can't kill.
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That is inherently unsustainable. And it's fine when you're attacking the Taliban in Helmand province and you can lawyer everything back up to London.
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It's not fine if you're tackling an autonomous system operated by a high tech adversary in, say, China,
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because they might not care to have their lawyer in the loop deliberating or reporting their machine in court.
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00:45:42,280 --> 00:45:47,350
To which case you eventually say the man in the loop will be forced out of the loop.
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By dint of the speed of artificial intelligence, A.I. will change radically.
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The structure of armed forces is another point that I make in the Strip.
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A lot of people out of the armed forces to kick off with no change, the sort of people that are employed.
460
00:46:04,120 --> 00:46:11,979
So that's my last slide. I started from the point of considering the way in which our evolved human
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psychology has shaped our strategic behaviour and for our entire human history.
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Up until fairly recently and really fairly recently,
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the Pentagon is now using artificial intelligence systems in rapid change to identify and prosecute targets.
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So fairly, fairly recently, our entire strategic decision making about the use of violence in the collective good
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has been taken on of these evolved cognitions that I say started with Manchester
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Law one and continues to cooperate that is now gradually being replaced with what and
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that I'll leave it and take any questions that you may have about the statements.
00:00:04,170 --> 00:00:08,450
In this episode, The Changing Character of War program welcomes Dr. Kenneth Payne,
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a senior lecturer in the School for Security Studies at King's College London.
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His talk explores the evolutionary basis of strategic behaviour from chimpanzees to computers,
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teasing out the connections between liberal warfare and human evolution.
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So the colour coding here is three parts of the book comes in three parts.
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The first part is all about evolution or fixes on evolution, and that's my thesis there.
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The second part is a bit about culture, which I'm going to gloss over in just three or four slides.
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And then the last part is probably the bit that some that might be of most interest to you is the bit
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about artificial intelligence and the ways in which artificial intelligence will shape strategy.
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And the overall thesis of the book in a nutshell is that there have been and everybody likes to be kind of reductive about revolutions in warfare.
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I think if the Toffler's, for example, that posited three revolutions in human history, the agricultural revolution,
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the information age, the story, the Industrial Revolution, and the Information Age Revolution I wouldn't bet it.
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The Toffler's beginning for two revolutions, a cognitive revolution early in human history that some, I argue,
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set up the basis for some underlying and enduring principles of strategy in the sense that most of us would understand strategy.
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And then an artificial intelligence revolution that challenges the evolved
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cognitive psychology that had been a longstanding part of our human history.
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So two revolutions, the evolution of a cognitive package to do with language and and theory of mind,
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and then latterly a revolution in artificial intelligence, which is just getting underway.
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So part one and the bits about evolved psychology, my thesis is that there is a dynamic relationship between strategy and evolution.
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That is to say that the need to think strategically was a strong factor in shaping our human
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evolution and also the way in which we evolved in pace with constraints on how we did strategy.
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Hopefully I wouldn't say too much about what strategy is, but in a nutshell, for those of you that might not be familiar with the term,
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I'm talking here primarily about military strategy, the use of organised social violence in pursuit of some political goal.
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My thesis is that some another Tom Jones who is not my thesis is not even Tom's, but he's done some tremendous work on it.
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The general thesis is that Greek surmise has an important effect on winning or losing in combat,
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and the need to cooperate together in progressively larger human groups has been one of the fundamental driving forces shaping human evolution.
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I got started on this project reading a book that I commend you all in the late seventies and early 80 seconds devours chimpanzee politics.
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If you haven't seen that. Grab a copy of that highly entertaining account of life and death in a chimpanzee colony colony in Arnhem,
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and the game's inverted commas that the chimpanzees played in order to get ahead and assume a dominant position within the hierarchy,
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colony and devil at the end of the book asks the question.
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Interesting question Do chimpanzees think strategically?
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And he answers that, yes, they do think strategically, but I think it is a slight oxymoron.
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They do so instinctively. There's not he doesn't necessarily suppose,
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a particularly sophisticated degree of self-reflection and reflection about the minds of
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others on the part of chimpanzees is much of their strategic behaviour is innate to them,
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is instinctively acquired.
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And I think not that I want to disagree on this eminent primatologists in the world, but I think it is something of a disservice to chimpanzees.
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And I think the view on chimpanzee cognition and theory of mind has moved on since the late seventies.
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So on the one hand, he's doing a disservice to chimpanzees because they are capable of thinking about the intentions of others,
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not as not to the same degree that we are, but they are to a certain degree.
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And on the other hand, he does limit service,
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because I think there's is the supposition that we as humans think in rational and calculating terms about strategy is unfair.
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We do a lot of unconscious, instinctive, horrific type thinking about strategy, just as the chimpanzees do.
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So Deval set me going and the question was, do animals fight wars?
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And if they do, do they fight wars in the strategic sense? Do they make use of violence in an instrumental and passive way?
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And my answer was this was answer fight pretty totalitarian wars of the entire destruction of other and colonies in other species,
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that they do so on a fairly automatic situational basis.
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They're responding in an evolved fashion to instinctive clues from the environment about how they ought to behave.
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Chimpanzees, on the other hand, certainly fight wars come on tonight in the second.
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And then he did so with a little bit more of what we might call strategic thought, a little bit more conscious reflection on what they're doing.
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And so that was my starting point. Way too much about the middle part of the book.
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Middle part of the book is a dilemma coming to anybody looking for general patterns in strategic behaviour.
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It's you've got the whole gamut of human history.
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What can you say about strategic behaviour that unites strategy across all these different varieties and cultural circumstances?
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That's book classes wrestle with, of course, is the tension between historicism something that's particular to the moment in theory,
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the ability to say something general across all particular areas or multiple areas.
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The second tension that the tension between historicism, the local, the particular and history with a capital H,
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the idea that history is driving forward towards some particular purpose.
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That that's the that's the tension I wrestle with in the middle part of the book,
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the bit about culture that I'm not going to spend too much time thinking thinking about here today.
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And then lastly, the last part of the book, can artificial intelligence strategy save that for the end?
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Here to kick it off, we come to chimpanzees and their ability to think strategically.
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This is a paper in 2014 in which the chimpanzees demonstrated an ability that might have
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appealed to social scientists from the middle of the 20th century to win a game of strategy.
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This is the game they're playing here is a little bit like pieces of rock.
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You have to guess what your adversary actually can't see.
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The chimpanzee is play. It's the chimpanzee here. Is that back to back?
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So they can't see what the adversary is choosing. One of them is tasked with matching the shapes.
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And and if he guesses, if he matches the shapes that the other chimp throws, he wins.
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The other is tasked with mismatching the shapes that the chimp race.
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So he knows he's got to think about what the other chimp is going to throw and then produce a mismatch.
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So you've got a strategic game to play,
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a strategic game in which they've got to try and guess what the other person going to do and behave accordingly.
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Chimpanzees outperform humans at this game, which if you were a scholar of the standard social science model of the rational activity,
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expected utility payoffs, that would be a puzzle. Why are the chimpanzees so good at it and why the humans are less good at it?
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And if you change the payoffs or if you change whether one's a match or a mismatch and they tell them very quickly,
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the chimpanzees change tack and start behaving according to how the change suggests that they should on a mathematical basis, they come.
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Very close to the optimal mathematics solution that humans are hopeless at it comparatively.
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The question is why and what does that mean? And the answer for me is not that chimpanzees are better strategists.
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It's that they're pursuing a different strategic logic. The chimpanzees are responding more instinctively to the payoffs.
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The humans are trying to second guess what the adversary is doing.
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Humans are making that strategy using theory of mind.
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They're trying to play the idea that, you know, the innate game and the chimpanzees aren't playing that game.
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They just want to sweep that they get for winning the game. And it's the over complication that we put into it,
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trying to read what the intention of others are the producers in this narrowly to play game a suboptimal outcome.
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So chimpanzees more rational actors than humans are in that game.
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Chimpanzees, we know because they're evolutionarily close to us.
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We parted company for them some 6 million years ago. Very useful comparator in terms of thinking about strategy.
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And in answer to Duval's question, you know, do chimpanzees fight wars?
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When he wrote that in 79, I think it was the goomba extreme war had just ended.
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I'm not sure whether where they could all have actually published about it,
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but the dominant view at the time in anthropology and actually in climatology as well was still,
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you know, chimpanzees were fairly peaceful, fun loving kind of characters.
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Since when that view has changed almost 180 degrees and the survey that shouldn't say we're going to say random, of course, Richard Wrangham,
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famous primatologist at Harvard,
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it turns out that some chimpanzee life is extremely violent at best interest group when you're struggling for dominance as it develops.
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Chimpanzees were on them and also between groups in terms of these chimpanzee wars.
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And the the paper by Wrangham that compiles all the available evidence around in 2006
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about how many wars were fought and what the levels of casualties were in these wars.
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And it turns out the chimpanzee life inside the group is much, much more violent than Detroit in the 1970s,
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and that some the levels of war were between chimpanzee groups allowing for small
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sample size was quite likely to be on a par with hunter gatherer communities.
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And we'll see what that was in the moment.
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Here's some chimpanzees behaving you might think strategically, perhaps in response to innate subconscious inclinations.
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They're conducting a chimpanzee patrol here and they patrol into the territory of neighbouring chimpanzees and they're doing the tactics
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when it comes to waging a war like the going to extreme war is the raid and ambush that typically attack the 10 to 1 force ratios.
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And so if they can't not heavily outnumber their adversary, they'll stage a silent retreat back away until such time as they do.
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WRANGHAM Theory is that this behaviour, which contrasts markedly with that of bonobos,
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they tend to fight wars, spend a lot of time having a good time.
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Range theory is that the distribution of food which forced chimpanzees to forage in an isolated fashion,
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may be particularly vulnerable to predation in this way by their fellow chimpanzees,
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because they had to fissure into small groups to go foraging for food, they could very quickly be outnumbered and defeated by other chimpanzees.
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The question is, is that strategic behaviour or not?
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On the one hand, the chimpanzees are capable of waging a sustained war against another group of chimpanzees.
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In that extreme war they annihilated the other group of chimpanzees.
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That survey every last chimpanzee.
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I think there were a couple of females left over that were absorbed back into the original population and they waited over a period of years,
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you might say, well, that's not necessarily strategic behaviour and you know,
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they're following an evolved inclination to conduct these patrols and to stage ambushes and I think you'd probably be right about that.
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For me, the big difference that makes our behaviour more strategic in the sense that we're familiar with is our capacity for this theory of mind,
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for intuiting what other people want and communicating on the basis of that in order to derive an effective strategy.
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So I start with chimpanzee wars and I say yes.
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On the one hand they can do instinctive strategy, but there's something different about humans.
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And what's different about humans is our ability to communicate and to plan for an imagined future.
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And the basic theory that elaborate in part one is that there is enough violence in
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the hunter gatherer world in which we evolved for almost all of our human history.
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There is a sufficiently high level of violence like in that chimpanzee world.
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To force us to become effective co-operators, we have to cooperate.
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Otherwise, we go out of business. That's essentially the theory.
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So, as you might know, Robin Dunbar's work here may have heard Dunbar's number.
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Dunbar's number? Yeah. And under the back? I hope not.
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Robin Dunbar. I've never met Robin Dunbar. So. So Dunbar's number is the size.
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Your neocortex correlates very effectively with the size of social group in which you live in the larger neocortex, the theory goes.
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The greater the ability. You have to track the key essentials of life in a social group.
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And these key centres are essentially who's up, who's down and who's shagging who.
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These are the things that you won't be able t t to understand.
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And if you if you correlate a chimpanzee neocortex sized chimpanzee cortex size relationship,
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you can extend that line outwards to humans and come up with what's called Dunbar's number.
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Dunbar's number for humans is 150. That's the size of hunter gatherer community in which we spent a lot of our early human evolution.
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It's a very rough rule of thumb because actually the site you hang out with on a day to day basis would be near 50 people.
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That would be your kinship band, people you primarily be related to.
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And you come together in this gathering of 150 for an overnight camp, perhaps for reasons of security.
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Dunbar's number is one aspect of the theory of human evolution called the social theory of cognitive evolution,
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which says a lot of our functions are derived to help us navigate this complex, increasingly co-operative,
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interdependent world 50 to 150 people with whom we would spend most of our time.
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That's the group that we hung out here now.
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The second big theory to think about is Frederick Manchester's mathematical laws of armed conflict dating to 1916.
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Anybody familiar with those yet to be familiar with? They say without without stretching the point.
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Point one, this is an abstraction. It's a mathematical abstraction.
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It's not meant to correlate precisely to real world behaviour.
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But Manchester's argument was that the benefits that would accrue from being in a larger group would be disproportionate to the size of that group.
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That's what he call square. If fighting is structured so that it's a melee, basically a wall against all, then the fighting power of the group,
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all of the things being equal will increase geometric t relative to the size of the group.
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The advantages from being in a larger group will increase geometrically if fighting is structured.
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So it's one on one. So imagine a series of duels at dawn.
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Or imagine, as I do later in the book, Hoplite Warfare, where the formations force you to fight 1 to 1 rather than in an overall melee.
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Then it still matters to be big, but it matters in a linear fashion.
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Say provided fighting is disorganised or there is a capacity to concentrate fire, not renown,
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strategic principle, concentrating force where you can then the fighting power increases geometrically.
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So the question is, is, is there enough fighting in hunter gatherer communities early in human evolution to
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force the agglomeration of humans together into larger groups and in larger groups?
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Perforce, they have to fight.
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You have to be in a group with people to whom you're not directly related, and you have to find a way of cooperating with strangers.
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And the answer I make, the claim I make in the book and I'm not alone in making plenty of other people make it as well,
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is that, yes, there was enough fighting in hunter gatherer times to force people to cooperate together.
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So the result I suggest is that there was sufficient violence early in human history to put
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pressure on humans to start cooperating with people with whom they might not know each other.
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Manchester's law provides a mathematical formulation of that.
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That is to say the prevalence of war solves what's known as the free riding problem.
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Free riding problem is essentially a problem of loafing. If you get enough people together, there'll always be some people who slack off.
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And if it's a matter of fighting somebody to the death, I personally would be on the side of the slacker office.
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So what is it that's going to make me cooperate?
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That's going to stop me from slacking off?
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One answer is to this the prevalence of war forces,
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cooperation and scrutiny of how people are behaving within a particular book say the problem to be solved,
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you'll be aware, is the classic problem of the prisoner's dilemma. And the payoffs is just in the prisoner's dilemma,
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such that non-cooperation tends to be the favoured option, even if cooperating would be better for you.
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The solution to that problem, as Samuel Bowles argues, as Peter Turchin argues,
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is that there is sufficient violence to force the read out that on co-operators and to force cooperation.
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And actually you can see echoes of that in a couple of days.
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Research is there. So the basic theory of cooperation in an evolutionary sense is from Robert TRIVERS
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Trivers argues that we cooperate with non kin on the basis of reciprocal altruism.
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That is, if I scratch your back, I do so with the supposition that in years to come you might scratch my back.
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So I will behave altruistically to you on the assumption that I'll get some payback later on.
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That's the basic theory of reciprocal altruism,
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and that requires you to have a make a pretty good bet about it that the probability of being paid back in that future date,
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of course, the incentive then is to cheat, to get away with having your back scratched without returning the favour, so to speak.
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And Dan Ariely and Travis himself have demonstrated that very ably trivers in the in the world of animals.
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Ariely, in some fascinating experiments on his students, proved that our inclination is to cheat and then lie about it.
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But what actually proved this is quite interesting is that we lie about it not just to the people we're cheating, we lie about it to ourselves.
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So we have the capacity to persuade ourselves that we are good, honest co-operators, even while we're cheating.
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So we can see that the natural inclination is not to be a free,
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cooperative member of society, even though the pressure of war suggests that we should be.
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But there is, because of that pressure of war, I argue, still some inclination to cooperate.
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And you can see that.
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When you do real world experiments with the prisoner's dilemma, in theory, in game theoretical terms, the incentive is to cheat and not to cooperate.
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In practice, if you give the prisoner's dilemma to normal people, they tend to cooperate, even where it's a one shot game.
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So there's no possibility of playing the same person again. So you can't build a reputation for trust that might shape your behaviour.
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Was a one shot game with a stranger.
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We have a tendency to wait to cooperate and the argument is that tendency to cooperate has evolved within us as a result,
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as I say, these pressure of warfare. And in fact, even if you give the prisoner's dilemma to genuine real life prisoners who ought to know better,
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they tend to cooperate more than is suggested by the prisoner's dilemma.
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So this evolutionary picture then that I take out of the first part combines this notion of reciprocal altruism.
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Lanchester His idea,
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the victory goes to the big battalions in a disproportionate sense and comes up with what I think is the the dominant approach to strategy,
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which is to be strong everywhere, if you're strong everywhere. Of course, strategy is very easy.
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And the strategy that the strong evolved with involves scale, mass and concentration of force.
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And and that couldn't I gave you Voltaire a moment ago.
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Victory doesn't belong to the big chains. It belongs to the best shooters.
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Lanchester would disagree with that, and I would suggest the evidence from evolutionary history is against that as well,
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which we generally get used to the big battalions, as Stone said of the pope.
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How many divisions? SIEGEL And say there is still that in-built supposition that mass pays off in the end.
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But you will say, you know, even if you're strong, you don't want to be a muffett.
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You also want to combine your strategy, the strong with being strong everywhere with some sensible tactics.
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And that's what the chimpanzees do.
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They make they in conducting a raid and an ambush rather than pitched battle against the same number of adversary chimpanzees.
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What they're doing effectively is building a force ratio that Lanchester would say is dominant to create a localised force ratios,
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even a strong use rate and an ambush. And if you look at this book wall before civilisation,
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that pattern is very strongly evident across ethnographic studies and archaeological studies
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that the dominant strategy in warfare is rate an ambush rather than pitched battle.
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And if you're on the on the weak side, that's when strategy gets really interesting,
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because you have to find a way of offsetting these advances to decrease the others.
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So you adopt all these sort of approaches and surprise, deception and fortification, manoeuvre.
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And if you are the borrowers, as the Americans call the British army, you come up with the British way of warfare,
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which is to try and be more flexible and you get throwing about it and reverse.
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Three. Max Fraser if you don't know, Max raises work and you should.
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He's a statistician at Oxford and he's produced extensive database on all sorts of fascinating stuff.
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The world, the world and figures and the general picture is that if he has a general motif is that the world is getting a better place,
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which is not always how it feels. A day's out for an American election,
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but he has compiled a whole range of statistical information about it's the most comprehensive list that I've seen of archaeological
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evidence for prevalence of warfare and hunter gatherer communities and ethnographic studies of warfare in hunter gatherer communities.
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And on the right here, you can't make out any of the detail here, but on the right this is violent deaths per 100,000 in state societies.
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Down at the bottom here is the world in 2007.
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So that's that's that's the the [INAUDIBLE] pit that we live in at the moment.
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Battle deaths 0.33 deaths per 100,000 people for the world in 2007.
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Whereas if you look at this hunter gatherer community study in the 1840s in California.
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1450 deaths per hundred thousand, saying hunter gatherer communities tend to have the most violent men,
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but they tend to have more violence, more violent deaths than do more modern state communities.
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So was there enough warfare in the course of human history to drive consumption behaviour and get rid of free riders?
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The answer for me is yes and that's the claim I take out of the first part of the book.
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I didn't spend a bit of time thinking through the implications of what that means for human cognition and
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for the heretics that we've developed to help us think strategically when we go into any of that here.
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That's part one of the book and an evolutionary history of warfare. It pays to be big.
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There's enough fights around to force us to agglomerate in large groups and to force it to learn patterns of cooperative
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behaviour and shortcuts for thinking about who we trust and who we shouldn't trust to allow us to think strategically.
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In part to the book. I take that forward and see if it holds in the cultural era.
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And the answer is that it kind of does.
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But stuff complicates it for reasons of time. I'm not going to get into.
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I use three fairly well-trodden examples.
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It's all about the Greeks and hoplites.
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And I talk about the invention of writing and particularly the invention of strategic studies as a separate way of thinking reflectively about war.
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And the take out from that study. The Greeks is that writing provided a first example of artificial intelligence,
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if you like, a means of offshoring, part of our cognition outside of our brain.
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I won't say any more about that example to Clausewitz and Napoleonic warfare.
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Again, I'm not going to say too much more about that. I will say a little bit about nuclear weapons.
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And the take out from the middle part of the book is that Manchester's law breaks down in the cultural era because
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fighting power is not just about the number of men that you have at your disposal and their ability to concentrate force.
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It's also about technology in the cultural areas technologies of warfare, weapons technologies, but not just weapons technologies.
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Technology screws Manchester's abstract thinking about the importance of scale when it comes to strategy.
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And the apotheosis of that, of course, is nuclear weapons, where the analogy can inflict as much damage as a thousand plane fighter bombing raid.
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On take, you say scale, which you have nuclear weapons becomes less of an issue.
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Of course, you need scale in order to develop nuclear weapons in the first place.
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I said at the beginning, I posited two revolutions in military affairs, the one the cognitive revolution,
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the flexible package to construct grips flexibly in order to deal with violence in the world.
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And second, artificial intelligence. And one of the other contenders for a revolution in military affairs that changed everything is nuclear weapons.
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Robert Jervis, many of you will know, said that nuclear weapons were a revolutionary development in warfare.
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They were the revolutionary development in warfare.
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Bernard Brody, the American strategic thinker on hearing about the destination of the first nuclear bomb,
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said that he thought it made everything else he had ever written redundant and obsolete.
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He thought that the entirety of strategic history was redundant and obsolete because nuclear weapons are transforming so much.
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I think he was wrong. He was wrong. But I also think that this is wrong in the sense that nuclear weapons are revolutionary.
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They're an important development in the history of warfare, for sure.
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But I didn't think the revolution and the reason is at the bottom of their strategy.
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Even with nuclear weapons remains a matter of our evolved human psychology.
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We still making decisions about the employment of nuclear weapons,
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using precisely the same cognitive architecture that we evolved with 4050, 200,000 years of our human evolution.
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So all these factors in nuclear strategic theory, escalation, the need to demonstrate credibility, miscalculation,
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the scope for misperception, they are all subject to the same evolved cognitive, psychological foibles that we brought with us before.
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Jervis said that nuclear weapons were revolutionary on the basis that they would transform the balance between denial and punishment.
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And of course, you have a nuclear standoff through mutually assured destruction, and the threat of retaliation is how you use the weapon.
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So is the threat of using the weapon rather than the actual use of the weapon that delivers you more strategic result.
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And what he said is there's no point trying to deny nuclear weapons.
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You can't defend against them. And instead, your strategic use of nuclear weapons relies entirely on the threat of punishment.
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I'm not entirely sure that is revolutionary. Firstly, because denial and punishment both featured before the onset of nuclear weapons.
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You could certainly deny through the construction of fortification or the use of terrain, use of things.
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And you could also threaten punishments through retaliatory attack.
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You didn't need nuclear weapons. Individual nuclear weapons gave you an assured ability to punish.
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But punishment was certainly a feature of strategy even before the development of nuclear weapons.
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So I'm not sure in Genesis account that nuclear weapons are particularly revolutionary.
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That's what I'll say about them here. Reasons of time.
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I wanted to get ahead to the artificial intelligence because I'm aware that that's
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probably why most of you here not to hear me rambling on about chimpanzees warfare.
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So in very quick order, my headline for artificial intelligence is that it is a revolution in military affairs,
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is a revolution in strategic affairs precisely because it challenges the underlying evolved psychological
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abilities that we've brought to bear to tackle strategic problems since we emerged on the planet and even before,
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you know, antecedent species. Here are some examples of artificial intelligence from recent months.
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Let's go with the easy ones. Do you believe what's going on there? Yeah.
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Google's AlphaGo. Yeah. The part of the world.
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The world leading go. Yeah. Did you release it all for one? The World Championship.
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And before that? Very quickly. We very quickly adopt hindsight bias with achievements like that.
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And assuming, of course, it beat him before that pretty well. Every A.I. expert at DeepMind was saying it couldn't be done,
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couldn't be done for 20 years because they'd all been trying to do it goes right for those you don't know who wins or version where the ball game.
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It's a very simple constrained what now developer would call a toy universe.
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It's not like the complex, messy reality of winning in Vietnam.
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There are only a certain number of moves that can take place at two different varieties moves that can take place on the keyboard,
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but they can do so with such dazzling combinatorial complexity that there are more possible moves mathematically than there are atoms in the universe.
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So you can't solve a game of going through brute force calculation,
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which is why A.I. developers have said it would be 20 odd years before anybody came
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close to performing at the level of the world champion still is beating him anyway.
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Within DeepMind, they were pretty confident they trash him and they truly did.
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So that's not one this one you. But you know, that one is a wreckage or helicopter flying upside down.
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But more significantly, the Knights and rings, remote control helicopter flying upside down from 2006.
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And this is one of the first deep learning nets that you don't know how deep learning net and rough terms.
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It's analogous to the connections of neurones in your brain.
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It's a very loose analogy, but that was the inspiration that started AI researchers off down this sort of
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what's called constructivist constructionist approach to artificial intelligence.
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So Hayes was the first one to figure out how to fly a helicopter from first principles.
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It encountered the universe of the helicopter and it flew and crashed the flew and crashed.
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It flew and crashed on a simulator. But he could afford the models to actually and even over again.
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And then eventually it reached that takeoff point and it mastered helicopter flight to the point at which it could roll a helicopter,
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which is no mean feat for any helicopter pilots, because normally they crash at that point.
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So not only could you grow the form to pretty complex manoeuvres as well, this one down here is in the last couple of weeks.
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Anybody seen this one? You know, this guy is he's an American Air Force colonel.
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He retired. He is a a superiority combat instructor.
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Who is his job? Dogfighting. Top gun stalwarts we've spent his career doing.
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Now he works as a consultant for air companies.
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And this is him, as they say, having his ass handed to him by an artificial intelligence system that's running off blackberry pie,
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running on the BlackBerry Pi mobile phone. And he was unable to beat it in repeated air to air combat activities.
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And that's only now in the last couple of weeks. And it's really combat against human vessels is something that obviously the Pentagon
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has engineers been working on since the 1980s with no particular degree of success.
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It's just a complicated control problem to be able to process all the relevant
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information in the required amount of time to to defeat a sophisticated human adversary.
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But it's now been done. Pentagon, by the way, still planning to put a man in the cockpit of the next generation long range bomber,
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which is something that they might think about again.
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And you know what this is? That's that's an intelligent design.
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He's a visionary design are where they brand the computers.
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How did you know that? And it was ever known that if you actually geek out yet that's exactly what it is
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it's very old now is a nicer antenna to go on a satellite communication antenna.
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And it was designed using A.I., which is why it looks like that wacky shape.
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It's not the sort of thing that I would sit down with it, design me an antenna I'd come up with,
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used a straight forward thing like that one bend and it came out looking like that.
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And that is the optimal solution that is designed better than it than a human could do it.
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And I think together these things show a range of the sort of military relevant activities that I is involved with already.
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This is this is weapons design right now.
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Already you can read this in stations for them on on the US Army website solicitations to use air to design bunker penetrating munitions.
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So air is already involved in designing weapon systems.
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As I'm walking over here with Rob and we were talking about the carriers, the Navy carriers was the favourite project of the Royal Navy.
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We might also have been talking about the US Air Force man and long range bomber.
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These are weapon systems that are designed partly with the efficiency imperative in mind.
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You know, war has an efficiency imperative. If you don't do it well, you go out of business.
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But partly also of course to reflect the institutional proclivities of the organisations that design them.
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Bureaucratic politics in action that's only sustainable.
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Well, have been designed by human and I probably wouldn't design you an aircraft carrier.
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You might not like what it designed you, but it would design you something a bit different from from what you would come up with.
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So alien weapons design, this is not just to be in strategic situations or operational situations,
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situations with less structure to them when it comes to decision making and this is off to a tactical level,
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activities across a range of military savings activities.
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And my argument is to my good friends who work for DeepMind, who show me on a regular basis that they are not involved in defence related research,
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and indeed it is one of their criteria for being bought by Google that they
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would not engage in defence related activities a little analogous to to nuclear
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weapons development and the idea of dual use technologies where you have civil nuclear capability capable of being switched over to military ones,
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but even more so in this case, because air is entirely about autonomous decision making in imperfectly understood environments,
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and that is an inherently military strategic capability, regardless of their desire to keep them separated.
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So let me let me close this section for reasons of time. Some questions.
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The way I've tackled air here in the book is through some dualism isms that I think a
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particularly relevant considering how I will affect strategic level decision making.
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First, the distinction between narrow and generally I.
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So when Stephen Hawking tells you that we've unleashed the demon we must unleash, the demon air is coming to take us over.
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He's talking about generally that is not just unbounded flexibility, capable of reaching decisions across a range of activities.
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It's not just a chess computer. It might also decide what steel garden, but it's its air that is capable,
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that is motivated to some extent intrinsically by itself, to do these things.
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That's what he's frightened about. It's a flexibly I is motivated to do it.
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So in fact, I'm not so much concerned about that for all sorts of reasons.
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But I think there's plenty of you because.
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Concerned about women still talking about narrow domains, specifically in the tactical impact of narrow domain specific.
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So that's one big distinction when we're talking about narrowly.
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I was talking about, Lisa, of being beaten there. I mean, to my generally, I have a look at the top, a robotics challenge from this year.
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The robots are still incapable of doing fairly basic stuff like opening doors, climbing over fences without toppling over.
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And I think, you know, the complexity,
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the combinatorial explosion in doing some of the things that we take for granted is still beyond what our current level of I can do.
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Second, you ask, is between tactical and strategic decision making.
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So flying that helicopter up upside down or defeating us, colonel,
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in that's where combat is a tactical level activity tactical level military activity still require some generalist knowledge,
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flexible skills across a range of activities. And they're still hard.
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It's not a chess computer. It's altogether more complex to learn to fly a helicopter.
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The last couple of of Judaism's before I. I stopped talking with you.
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One is this question of autonomy and self-directed A.I., and this opens a real can of worms.
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To what extent is artificial intelligence capable of making decisions for itself?
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And to what extent is it responding to inputs that you put in ahead of time ex-ante?
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And in an ideal world, you would like to have the idea of your strategic goal within your tactical goal,
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and you would tell the machine to achieve that, and it would go out and achieve it.
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And that's what the Army calls mission command. It does it today. You tell them what you want to achieve.
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You tell them your commander's intent, and you leave them to figure out how it is to achieve them.
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So in an ideal world, you would quite like that to be your relationship with autonomous performance.
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In terms of chief, they are autonomous to the extent that they are carrying out activities that you have told me to do upfront,
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and that's fine, well and good,
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except that you don't always know what it is that you want them to do upfront because you can't anticipate situations that may arise down the street.
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It's fine, well and good because you may be Satisficing is the term is a dishonest term
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is between different goals that you want to achieve that might be intention.
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Can you specify which goal you want machine to achieve?
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Which goal is the most important or otherwise?
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Boston's Beijing paid ticket counter is going to be read Boston superintelligence if you if you want an intro to the to the to the
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scary Elon Musk Stephen Hawking site of artificial intelligence Bostrom book on superintelligence is a pretty good place to start.
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And his nightmare scenario is the paperclip counter the paper accounts it has the
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best intentions in the world in fact has no intention is not is not out to get you.
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It's just been tasked with counting to 100. You want it to count 100 paperclips and tell you when it's done, that there are 100 paperclips there.
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And then they end. In Bostrom scenario, it conquers the known universe in order to count these paper because it can't count
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them to the degree of certainty that it is happy 100% that they're 100 paperclips.
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So in 98, 99, 100. Job done.
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Did I get it right? Just have one more check. 93, four, five, six.
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And it gets 90 to 100 and it's reasonably short. It has done it twice.
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Now you can have one more check because it's a vanishingly small probability that it counted wrong twice and it will carry on doing this.
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And as a genius artificial intelligence system that has been tasked with this thing and nothing else,
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it will secure all the resources, Bostrom argues. We don't know that it's obsidian.
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It will secure all the resources in the universe in order to keep counting the paperclips to make sure it's got 100 paperclips.
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That is an example of the agent principal problem gone disastrously wrong.
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All you wanted to know is is the roughly 100 paperclips that unless you specify it up front,
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your very clever artificial intelligence will keep counting and securing the resources to enable it to keep counting.
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So the principle problem is a key thing.
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How do you put in enough safeguards to ensure that the machine is going to do exactly what you want and not what it thinks you want?
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And if you can see the military dimension flashing autonomous weapons systems,
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I just asked you to kill this one guy, and now you're doing all sorts of other stuff that I didn't ask me to do.
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I talk in the book about consciousness and the possibility of machines becoming conscious, and I won't go into that here.
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The last the last few before I finish,
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what is the distinction between that I make between evolved human cognition and artificially intelligent machines?
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Doing strategy is probably a false dichotomy.
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It's not a dichotomy. It is not probably it is a false dichotomy.
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Artificial intelligence and human intelligence are probably not going to be seen as as separate entities for all that long.
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And HCI is human computer interface.
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And the extent to which you are using artificial intelligence systems as part of
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your normal cognition and pokémon's augmented reality is an example of that.
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Or the use of a chip in your brain that's reading your prosthetic arm.
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To tell you what your prosthetic arm is feeling as an example is where mind computer merge if you like another dollop of project.
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The quadriplegic woman at some at MIT has flown in F-35 through the power of her thoughts.
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She's flying distant, not real. I 35 about ten of these in existence but she's flown in a simulator using the power of her mind.
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So I think the breakdown between what is evolved human cognition and what is artificially intelligent cognition will probably blend a little bit.
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So that's another another duality. They talk about defence and civilian research.
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I'm pretty hard over on in the book. It's all defence research. It's all about decision making in complicated environments.
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And to me, this is real universes. A lot of A.I. recession.
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Longstanding A.I. researchers are pessimistic about A.I., and I think they are say, by inclination because they've been at it a long time.
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And it's a frustrating game.
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And they are by inclination because they want to counter unjustified hyperbole, the sort of, you know, massacres with is talking about.
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But but I think that that pessimism is to a certain extent, unwarranted.
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You know, toy universes can be pretty complicated and they are doing pretty well in these twin universes.
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Let me finish for for reasons of time, if nothing else with I then offer by way of conclusion the book Ways in which artificial
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intelligence is going to change strategy and perhaps take a lot more in questions,
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the sort of the sorts of things in regards to, oh,
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that A.I. changes the balance between offence and defence because it allows like a concentration of force.
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Hey, I shift your tolerance for risk. Firstly, because you're not losing any of your own people.
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Secondly, because your actions are not being driven by your own emotional cognition, A.I. makes the man in the loop unsustainable.
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Apartment issued defence position on artificial intelligence weapons.
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There will always be a man in the loop, a lawyer making a decision on what machines can and can't kill.
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That is inherently unsustainable. And it's fine when you're attacking the Taliban in Helmand province and you can lawyer everything back up to London.
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It's not fine if you're tackling an autonomous system operated by a high tech adversary in, say, China,
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because they might not care to have their lawyer in the loop deliberating or reporting their machine in court.
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To which case you eventually say the man in the loop will be forced out of the loop.
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By dint of the speed of artificial intelligence, A.I. will change radically.
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The structure of armed forces is another point that I make in the Strip.
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A lot of people out of the armed forces to kick off with no change, the sort of people that are employed.
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So that's my last slide. I started from the point of considering the way in which our evolved human
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psychology has shaped our strategic behaviour and for our entire human history.
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Up until fairly recently and really fairly recently,
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the Pentagon is now using artificial intelligence systems in rapid change to identify and prosecute targets.
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So fairly, fairly recently, our entire strategic decision making about the use of violence in the collective good
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has been taken on of these evolved cognitions that I say started with Manchester
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Law one and continues to cooperate that is now gradually being replaced with what and
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that I'll leave it and take any questions that you may have about the statements.