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I'm John Batchelor. Mail-in voting. I welcome Professor Richard Epstein
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of the Civitas Institute, teaches law at NYU and the
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University of Chicago. It's back, just like the great white whale.
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The Trump administration returned to the Supreme Court on Thursday,
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that's within 24 hours, asking the justices to temporarily pause
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an order by a federal judge in Boston that that
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blocks the government from implementing parts of a U.S. Postal
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Service rule on mail-in ballots. Thursday's filing was the second
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time in less than six weeks that the Trump administration
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came to the Supreme Court seeking to clear the way
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to implement restrictions on mail-in voting. Richard, a very good
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evening to you. I cannot find a definitive version of
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what's going on here. This very much feels like tag teams.
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One comes in, files runs out the door another team
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comes in files runs out the door mail-in voting i've
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observed over the years is very useful to people who
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vacation and won't be here on election day who are
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ill don't like the traffic and generally understood to be
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well to do that's who uses mail-in voting because it
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requires several more steps than just going to the poll
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and voting you've got to anticipate you've got to be
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registered you get the envelope you have to seal it
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feel fill it out You have to mail it on
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a certain deadline. It's complicated. It's not simple. But the
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Trump administration doesn't like it because it uses the word fraud.
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Good evening to you, Richard.
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Well, in fact, when people use the word election, the
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next word that comes out of their mouth is fraud.
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And the issue here is not whether or not fraud
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is appropriate. Everybody believes that if you're not eligible to
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vote and you cast a ballot, it's wrong. The weaker
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form of fraud, which is not covered by these cases,
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is somebody tells you something which is demonstrably wrong on
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the strength of that you vote, and the vote in
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effect counts as much as somebody who passes it with
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full information. This order is only against the mail-in vote,
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and it stems back to a problem that everybody understands
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about elections, which is the chain of custody becomes absolutely
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critical to make sure that only correct ballots are done.
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And so the moment you lengthen the chain, the possibility
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of fraud always gets larger. The exact amount of the
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fraud given the length of the chain is very problematic,
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and nobody is exactly confident of what it should be done.
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But there are, of course, steps that you can take
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when you're dealing with this. One is you can be
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very careful in the way in which you mail out
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ballots that people can fill in. You don't want to
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mail out ballots to people, for example, who are dead.
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And you don't want to leave ballots around that somebody
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could pick up and then customized to somebody who doesn't exist.
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So stopping this is essentially a constant situation, and then
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you get the following paradox. You manage to stop all
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the fraud, none takes place, and everybody says, see, we
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don't need any of these precautions because elections are already clean.
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And then you remove them, and there's a massive amount
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of fraud, so you put them back in again, and
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there's a kind of a weak cyclical quality which takes
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over and defines these kinds of cases. But the chain
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of custody problem is very real. And so then the
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question is, what did the Trump administration want to do?
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What it did is it says we control the post
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and that what we can do is make sure that
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the stuff that comes through the post office is in
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fact going to be properly handled. Now, if this were
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a case of viewpoint discrimination, you don't let the red
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or the blue people vote. Everybody would be up in
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arms and rightly so. But if you read the regulation
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and the government's defense of it, they said for a
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long period of time, using ballots that are authenticated in
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the way in which the envelope is organized and signed
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and tracked, is a perfectly legitimate function. The government's position
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is we can do this and we don't have to
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prove what the level of fraud is that we're trying
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to protect because we do not want this power to depend, well,
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it's 1% this year and 0.05% next year. We do
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what we don't do. And there's a lot of case
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law authority, I believe, that tends to support the position
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that the control of fraud can require these kinds of situations.
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They are not telling the state who gets to vote
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or how those votes start to take place. It's just
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trying to authenticate the transmission through the federal system. And
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there's a fair amount of government case law on that.
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I actually read the government brief last night by Mr. Salmon,
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and it was a lot stronger than I thought it
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would be. I could still be wrong. I don't claim
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to have perfect expertise on this area. The argument on
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the other side is that this is a First Amendment
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kind of infringement situation. And it's saying thousands of people
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could be kept out of the polls by these sorts
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of requirements. And I really don't understand exactly how that
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works because you can have anybody vote who's eligible under
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state laws. Nobody's tried to challenge that. It's just that
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the transmission through the federal system has to make sure
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that ballots that should be sent are sent and ballots
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that should be sent are sent. And that is not
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effective trying to change the eligibility rules as people have said.
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In addition, of course, Congress does have a general override
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on everything except the place for the election of senators.
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And fraud is a reason for which you can exercise it.
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And so to me, to see that there's a First
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Amendment violation in this case would require you to show
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some kind of a disparate impact or conscious effect in
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favor of one party over the other. Now, can we
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say this? And here's the problem. I assume that all
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of the attorney generals who are fighting this are from
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blue states. Is that correct, Johns?
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To my knowledge, yes, it's a blue-red.
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Yeah, I mean, yeah, it's a blue-red split. And what's
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the judgment? The judgment is that we're not worrying about
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the voting of people who were sequestered because of illness
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or were on vacations to Martha's Vineyard and so forth.
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It's the argument about what you deal with the rest
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of the population, immigrant population, a population that moves from
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one place to another, who will cast votes. And there's
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no question that Brother Trump, our president, is somebody who's
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still completely fixated by the 2008 2020 election and continues
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to believe that massive fraud that controlled it. I'm not
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going to make any judgment on that, but it turns
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out that's why I had such a fury. But on
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the other question about authentication and validation, the standard that
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all the people, and I tend to agree with this use,
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is you want to get on an airplane today, you
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have to present some kind of a reliable ID. And
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nobody seems to question that. And the number of people
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who have those sorts of IDs that 99.some percent of
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the population. Somebody will quote the figures saying twice as
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many black people don't have IDs as white, but that's
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consistent with there being a 99.9% white people with votes
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on ID cards and 99.8% of black people. So it's
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a difference of one-tenth of 1%. The ratio doesn't tell
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you anything. It's the size of the gap between the
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two numbers, which is much more instructive as to whether
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or not there's going to be a partisan case. And
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so then you have to come to the Supreme Court,
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and which way is it likely to vote? Well, I
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think on this one, my guess is that unless I'm
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missing something, which is always possible given the nature of
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this ping-pong exchange of situation, I think I would vote
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for Trump on the ground it's a neutral regulation intended
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to deal with a legitimate interest, which isn't ever due
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to skew the outcome one way or the other.
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Professor, I want to take a moment to read the Constitution,
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just to read that. This is Article 1, Section 4,
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Clause 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections
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for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each state
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by the legislature thereof. But the Congress may at any
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time by law make or alter such regulations except as
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to the places of choosing senators.
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End.
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That's it.
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So essentially what happens, this is one of these neurotic
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federalist provisions. Nobody quite knew what they wanted. And so
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they say you start with the state at any time
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the federal government could come in. Why did they exempt
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the rules for senators? Not for any modern reason.
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Because the legislature has elected the senators.
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Yeah, because essentially in those days, right, they were chosen
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by the legislature and you didn't want essentially the federal government.
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However, I must interfere for a moment, Professor. Sure. Because
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I have seen repeatedly by those who oppose the president
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on this matter, that in what I just read, there
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is no mention of the executive, even slightly. It's Congress
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and the states only.
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That's clearly correct. But if you think about the way
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in which I put the point, the federal government and
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the president have extensive authority over the way in which
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you use the mail system. And this has been applied
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in many earlier cases to deal with matters concerning elections.
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So the issue in this particular case, is that power
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sufficient to deal with this? And in order to say that,
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you then have to face the challenge, well, no, you
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can't do it here because there's something about this, which
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is a legitimate exercise of presidential power, which is subject
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to the First Amendment. And at that point, the argument
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then shifts grounds. And the issue is twofold. Is there
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first on the First Amendment questions? Any effort in this
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particular case to discriminate on the basis of viewpoint or
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to impose a very high tax on the people who
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want to vote. So it's akin to a poll tax.
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And reading the government's brief, I haven't seen all the
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other papers yet. it feels pretty much that this looks
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like it's a neutral regulation and that the real issue
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in this case is can you issue this regulation if
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you're not quite sure of the probability that there is
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fraud in the underlying ballots that are being sent through
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the mail. But mail fraud is very much a presidential
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issue in this case. And here, looking at the evidence,
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I don't see anything about this case which suggests that
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there's some form of deep irregularity, although there's the obvious
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motive of Trump who has not forgotten what his view
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was of mail-in votes early on with respect to the
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2020 election. But in this case, you don't see anything
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other than an effort to try and require that certain
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labeling requirements be used. And these are conventional in the
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anti-fraud stuff because you're trying to control the chain of
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custody so people can't slip the thing in and out.
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The First Amendment argument is made on the grounds that, oh,
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the number of people going to be excluded on this
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is going to be absolutely huge, so that what happens
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is the impact of the regulation is in fact going
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to suppress First Amendment rights. In order to make that
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particular argument, what you then have to do is to
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figure out how many people are going to be excluded.
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And given that this is a standard ministerial problem rather
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than anything else, I think the answer to that particular
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question is that the exclusion risk turns out to be
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relatively small. So the question then comes, is in order
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to regulate, you have to know what the level of
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fraud is at the executive branch if you're going to
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try to control the post office. And I think the
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answer to that question has to be, so long as
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fraud is an existential risk, its high level of probability
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or its low level of probability is going to be
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beside the point. A regulatory power dealing with fraud can't
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deal with it when it's only above a certain magical
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number or not deal with it when it's below that number.
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So I think the way this thing will play out
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is you have the power. And then the question is
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going to be, is there anything about this which looks
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to be excessive? And I didn't see that. And so
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as this case comes up to the Supreme Court, based
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upon the public accounts that I've seen of the objections
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on the First Amendment, I think they're relatively weak. And
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I don't think there's anything here that shows or smacks
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of irregularity on the part of the president. And I'm
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not saying this as a devotee of the president. I've
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opposed him on so many things, I've lost count of it.
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But I think even he is entitled to the fact
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of a neutral estimate of what you think the odds are,
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plus and minus in a case. And you just don't
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denounce somebody because you don't like any of his other decisions.
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So I actually think when this one comes to the
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Supreme Court, there's a good chance that the Supreme Court
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will affirm the president. The question then is, would I
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give a temporary injunction on this? My answer to the question,
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I would allow the president's system to be put into
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place now and stop it, because if what you do
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is you slow it down for a long period of time,
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the system is not going to be put into place
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until after the parliamentary votes are made or the early
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voting is made in some states. And then trying to
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impose the system halfway through is a real kind of
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nightmare because you don't know what to do with the
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so-called ballots that were previously cast.
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In other words, whatever decision is made, For the next
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election cycle, not this one. Is that what you're saying, Professor?
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No, I'm saying if you want it for this one,
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you have to grant the president the injunction and then
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lift it if you decide it's wrong. You cannot impose
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a scheme halfway through. And that's what would happen if
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they take a long time. I think the justices are
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keenly aware of that. And my guess is that they
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will make a decision on this thing within a couple
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of days. Because otherwise, it's going to be bad no
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matter what you do.
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Birthright citizenship. Professor Richard Epstein, we turn to there's new
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decision is in the balance about birthright citizenship. I'm John Batchelor.
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¶ ¶.
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I'm John Batchelor with Professor Richard Epstein, throwing up constitutional
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roadblocks in all directions for the vote in November, but
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at the same time, a very large story about birthright
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citizenship that is all voting for the future, if you
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consider the scale of this. On Wednesday, within 48 hours,
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a federal judge in Maryland temporarily blocked the Trump administration
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from enforcing that order just written by the President Donald Trump,
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a new order, seeking to narrow the availability of birthright citizenship. So,
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while it went its way through the court before, and
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birthright citizenship was considered not a problem, the Supreme Court said,
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if you're born here, you're an American citizen. Now the
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Trump administration has gone back with another version of this,
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and they've narrowed it. The judge who gave the stay
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on Wednesday said, named Judge Deborah Boardman. Boardman said that
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as it reads now, the Trump's executive order, quote, is
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almost certainly unconstitutional. Your comment, Professor?
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Well, it depends on what part of it. You should
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know Justice Boardman is not a first-time entrant in this
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particular situation. If you recall, back in early 2025, there
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were a flurry of four decisions made by lower court judges,
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all of which had denounced the the Trump position. She
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wrote the longest and most elaborate of those opinions, and
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I thought that it was 100% wrong, because what she
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did is she said the words in the United States
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or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States are synonyms,
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which is incorrect if you do any close examination of
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the historical record. But now she's on much stronger grounds
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because it turns out that the Chief Justice is equally
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ignorant of the history of the Constitution, so he basically
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made that equation. What does this mean? It means that
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if you do have some person who was born inside
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the United States and is directly covered by that order,
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it seems to me that it's that far, it's unconstitutional,
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which is what she said. There's still two other issues
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that you kind of have to deal with. And one
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of them is how broad is the diplomatic immunity exception
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to that? So if somebody is a foreign national, but
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not an ambassador, but somebody working at the office in
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a low-level capacity, Are those children going to be covered
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as well or not? I think the correct answer to
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that question on the traditional international law principle is if
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you're working for the foreign government in that kind of capacity,
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the nature of the role doesn't matter. It's not applied
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only to senior people. It's applied to everybody. The other
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interesting question is a question about the territories of the
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United States. This turns out to be an immensely difficult
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question because although people tend not to think about it,
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there are, in fact, not only state governments, not only
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federal governments, but also territorial governments that are governed under
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the territorial clause in Article I, saying in effect that
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the Congress shall set up a regime for needful rules.
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It has been conclusively held in all sorts of other
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cases against some strong opposition that the rules that you
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put into the territories need not bear any relationship to
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the rules that are put into the state. The Equal
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Protection Clause defines citizens And it says that no state
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shall make or enforce any law. But in this particular case,
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it's a territorial situation. And so the question is, does
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the president have more power there than he has in
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other places? And is it now going to be possible
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to say that anybody who comes and gives birth in
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Guam is not a citizen of the United States? Because
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essentially what's happened is they're not covered by the Equal
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Protection Clause, because even though they're covered by the Citizenship Clause,
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it turns out that the protection that you get under
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the Equal Protection Clause is not going to be there.
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I don't know what the answer is going to be
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to that. And there's also another question nobody's quite sure about.
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This is a birthright citizenship that applies to children born here.
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But now what the president does is he says, I'm
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going to keep any and all pregnant women from foreign
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nations from coming into this country. And so that birthright
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citizenship does depart. And at this particular point, you're not
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dealing with the birthright stuff. you're dealing with as generally
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regarded as a virtually plenary power of the federal government
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to prevent the entry of anybody into the United States
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who is not a citizen without having to show some
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particular cause. And if that's the case, and you do
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have a cause, then you could keep those women out,
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which then raises the further unresolved question, can you let
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them in on condition that they renounce in advance the
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citizenship of any child they have who comes into the
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United States? Or can you ask them a question, are
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you pregnant or intending to become pregnant? And if they
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answer that question, no, and have the child, then in effect,
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that's a fraud, which allows you to revoke the citizenship
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of the child. Maybe. I don't know what the answer is.
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Nobody else does. What's clear about.
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This case is that the.
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Chief Justice did not understand one thing. The objection to
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birthright citizens in the tourism cases in the United States
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is exceptionally high with respect to people straggling across the border.
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much less so. And so on that ground, he's strong.
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And it turns out there may be a political response
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to that, which will go beyond the last executive order.
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Professor Richard Epstein of the Civitas Institute commenting on, one
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more time, birthright citizenship headed to the Supreme Court. I'm
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John Batchelor.
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I'm John Batchelor. Mail-in voting. I welcome Professor Richard Epstein
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of the Civitas Institute, teaches law at NYU and the
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University of Chicago. It's back, just like the great white whale.
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The Trump administration returned to the Supreme Court on Thursday,
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that's within 24 hours, asking the justices to temporarily pause
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an order by a federal judge in Boston that that
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blocks the government from implementing parts of a U.S. Postal
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Service rule on mail-in ballots. Thursday's filing was the second
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time in less than six weeks that the Trump administration
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came to the Supreme Court seeking to clear the way
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to implement restrictions on mail-in voting. Richard, a very good
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evening to you. I cannot find a definitive version of
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what's going on here. This very much feels like tag teams.
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One comes in, files runs out the door another team
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comes in files runs out the door mail-in voting i've
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observed over the years is very useful to people who
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vacation and won't be here on election day who are
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ill don't like the traffic and generally understood to be
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well to do that's who uses mail-in voting because it
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requires several more steps than just going to the poll
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and voting you've got to anticipate you've got to be
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registered you get the envelope you have to seal it
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feel fill it out You have to mail it on
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a certain deadline. It's complicated. It's not simple. But the
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Trump administration doesn't like it because it uses the word fraud.
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Good evening to you, Richard.
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Well, in fact, when people use the word election, the
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next word that comes out of their mouth is fraud.
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And the issue here is not whether or not fraud
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is appropriate. Everybody believes that if you're not eligible to
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vote and you cast a ballot, it's wrong. The weaker
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form of fraud, which is not covered by these cases,
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is somebody tells you something which is demonstrably wrong on
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the strength of that you vote, and the vote in
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effect counts as much as somebody who passes it with
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full information. This order is only against the mail-in vote,
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and it stems back to a problem that everybody understands
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about elections, which is the chain of custody becomes absolutely
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critical to make sure that only correct ballots are done.
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And so the moment you lengthen the chain, the possibility
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of fraud always gets larger. The exact amount of the
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fraud given the length of the chain is very problematic,
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and nobody is exactly confident of what it should be done.
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But there are, of course, steps that you can take
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when you're dealing with this. One is you can be
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very careful in the way in which you mail out
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ballots that people can fill in. You don't want to
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mail out ballots to people, for example, who are dead.
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And you don't want to leave ballots around that somebody
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could pick up and then customized to somebody who doesn't exist.
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So stopping this is essentially a constant situation, and then
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you get the following paradox. You manage to stop all
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the fraud, none takes place, and everybody says, see, we
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don't need any of these precautions because elections are already clean.
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And then you remove them, and there's a massive amount
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of fraud, so you put them back in again, and
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there's a kind of a weak cyclical quality which takes
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over and defines these kinds of cases. But the chain
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of custody problem is very real. And so then the
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question is, what did the Trump administration want to do?
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What it did is it says we control the post
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and that what we can do is make sure that
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the stuff that comes through the post office is in
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fact going to be properly handled. Now, if this were
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a case of viewpoint discrimination, you don't let the red
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or the blue people vote. Everybody would be up in
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arms and rightly so. But if you read the regulation
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and the government's defense of it, they said for a
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long period of time, using ballots that are authenticated in
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the way in which the envelope is organized and signed
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and tracked, is a perfectly legitimate function. The government's position
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is we can do this and we don't have to
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prove what the level of fraud is that we're trying
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to protect because we do not want this power to depend, well,
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it's 1% this year and 0.05% next year. We do
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what we don't do. And there's a lot of case
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law authority, I believe, that tends to support the position
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that the control of fraud can require these kinds of situations.
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They are not telling the state who gets to vote
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or how those votes start to take place. It's just
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trying to authenticate the transmission through the federal system. And
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there's a fair amount of government case law on that.
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I actually read the government brief last night by Mr. Salmon,
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and it was a lot stronger than I thought it
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would be. I could still be wrong. I don't claim
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to have perfect expertise on this area. The argument on
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the other side is that this is a First Amendment
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kind of infringement situation. And it's saying thousands of people
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could be kept out of the polls by these sorts
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of requirements. And I really don't understand exactly how that
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works because you can have anybody vote who's eligible under
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state laws. Nobody's tried to challenge that. It's just that
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the transmission through the federal system has to make sure
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that ballots that should be sent are sent and ballots
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that should be sent are sent. And that is not
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effective trying to change the eligibility rules as people have said.
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In addition, of course, Congress does have a general override
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on everything except the place for the election of senators.
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And fraud is a reason for which you can exercise it.
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And so to me, to see that there's a First
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Amendment violation in this case would require you to show
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some kind of a disparate impact or conscious effect in
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favor of one party over the other. Now, can we
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say this? And here's the problem. I assume that all
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of the attorney generals who are fighting this are from
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blue states. Is that correct, Johns?
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To my knowledge, yes, it's a blue-red.
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Yeah, I mean, yeah, it's a blue-red split. And what's
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the judgment? The judgment is that we're not worrying about
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the voting of people who were sequestered because of illness
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or were on vacations to Martha's Vineyard and so forth.
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It's the argument about what you deal with the rest
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of the population, immigrant population, a population that moves from
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one place to another, who will cast votes. And there's
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no question that Brother Trump, our president, is somebody who's
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still completely fixated by the 2008 2020 election and continues
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to believe that massive fraud that controlled it. I'm not
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going to make any judgment on that, but it turns
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out that's why I had such a fury. But on
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the other question about authentication and validation, the standard that
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all the people, and I tend to agree with this use,
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is you want to get on an airplane today, you
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have to present some kind of a reliable ID. And
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nobody seems to question that. And the number of people
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who have those sorts of IDs that 99.some percent of
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the population. Somebody will quote the figures saying twice as
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many black people don't have IDs as white, but that's
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consistent with there being a 99.9% white people with votes
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on ID cards and 99.8% of black people. So it's
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a difference of one-tenth of 1%. The ratio doesn't tell
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you anything. It's the size of the gap between the
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two numbers, which is much more instructive as to whether
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or not there's going to be a partisan case. And
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so then you have to come to the Supreme Court,
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and which way is it likely to vote? Well, I
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think on this one, my guess is that unless I'm
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missing something, which is always possible given the nature of
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this ping-pong exchange of situation, I think I would vote
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for Trump on the ground it's a neutral regulation intended
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to deal with a legitimate interest, which isn't ever due
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to skew the outcome one way or the other.
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Professor, I want to take a moment to read the Constitution,
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just to read that. This is Article 1, Section 4,
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Clause 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections
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for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each state
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by the legislature thereof. But the Congress may at any
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time by law make or alter such regulations except as
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to the places of choosing senators.
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End.
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That's it.
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So essentially what happens, this is one of these neurotic
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federalist provisions. Nobody quite knew what they wanted. And so
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they say you start with the state at any time
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the federal government could come in. Why did they exempt
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the rules for senators? Not for any modern reason.
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Because the legislature has elected the senators.
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Yeah, because essentially in those days, right, they were chosen
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by the legislature and you didn't want essentially the federal government.
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However, I must interfere for a moment, Professor. Sure. Because
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I have seen repeatedly by those who oppose the president
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on this matter, that in what I just read, there
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is no mention of the executive, even slightly. It's Congress
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and the states only.
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That's clearly correct. But if you think about the way
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in which I put the point, the federal government and
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the president have extensive authority over the way in which
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you use the mail system. And this has been applied
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in many earlier cases to deal with matters concerning elections.
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So the issue in this particular case, is that power
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sufficient to deal with this? And in order to say that,
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you then have to face the challenge, well, no, you
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can't do it here because there's something about this, which
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is a legitimate exercise of presidential power, which is subject
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to the First Amendment. And at that point, the argument
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then shifts grounds. And the issue is twofold. Is there
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first on the First Amendment questions? Any effort in this
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particular case to discriminate on the basis of viewpoint or
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to impose a very high tax on the people who
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want to vote. So it's akin to a poll tax.
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And reading the government's brief, I haven't seen all the
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other papers yet. it feels pretty much that this looks
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like it's a neutral regulation and that the real issue
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in this case is can you issue this regulation if
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you're not quite sure of the probability that there is
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fraud in the underlying ballots that are being sent through
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the mail. But mail fraud is very much a presidential
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issue in this case. And here, looking at the evidence,
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I don't see anything about this case which suggests that
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there's some form of deep irregularity, although there's the obvious
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motive of Trump who has not forgotten what his view
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was of mail-in votes early on with respect to the
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2020 election. But in this case, you don't see anything
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other than an effort to try and require that certain
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labeling requirements be used. And these are conventional in the
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anti-fraud stuff because you're trying to control the chain of
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custody so people can't slip the thing in and out.
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The First Amendment argument is made on the grounds that, oh,
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the number of people going to be excluded on this
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is going to be absolutely huge, so that what happens
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is the impact of the regulation is in fact going
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to suppress First Amendment rights. In order to make that
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particular argument, what you then have to do is to
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figure out how many people are going to be excluded.
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And given that this is a standard ministerial problem rather
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than anything else, I think the answer to that particular
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question is that the exclusion risk turns out to be
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relatively small. So the question then comes, is in order
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to regulate, you have to know what the level of
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fraud is at the executive branch if you're going to
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try to control the post office. And I think the
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answer to that question has to be, so long as
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fraud is an existential risk, its high level of probability
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or its low level of probability is going to be
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beside the point. A regulatory power dealing with fraud can't
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deal with it when it's only above a certain magical
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number or not deal with it when it's below that number.
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So I think the way this thing will play out
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is you have the power. And then the question is
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going to be, is there anything about this which looks
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to be excessive? And I didn't see that. And so
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as this case comes up to the Supreme Court, based
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upon the public accounts that I've seen of the objections
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on the First Amendment, I think they're relatively weak. And
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I don't think there's anything here that shows or smacks
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of irregularity on the part of the president. And I'm
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not saying this as a devotee of the president. I've
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opposed him on so many things, I've lost count of it.
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But I think even he is entitled to the fact
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of a neutral estimate of what you think the odds are,
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plus and minus in a case. And you just don't
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denounce somebody because you don't like any of his other decisions.
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So I actually think when this one comes to the
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Supreme Court, there's a good chance that the Supreme Court
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will affirm the president. The question then is, would I
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give a temporary injunction on this? My answer to the question,
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I would allow the president's system to be put into
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place now and stop it, because if what you do
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is you slow it down for a long period of time,
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the system is not going to be put into place
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until after the parliamentary votes are made or the early
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voting is made in some states. And then trying to
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impose the system halfway through is a real kind of
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nightmare because you don't know what to do with the
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so-called ballots that were previously cast.
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In other words, whatever decision is made, For the next
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election cycle, not this one. Is that what you're saying, Professor?
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No, I'm saying if you want it for this one,
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you have to grant the president the injunction and then
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lift it if you decide it's wrong. You cannot impose
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a scheme halfway through. And that's what would happen if
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they take a long time. I think the justices are
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keenly aware of that. And my guess is that they
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will make a decision on this thing within a couple
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of days. Because otherwise, it's going to be bad no
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matter what you do.
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Birthright citizenship. Professor Richard Epstein, we turn to there's new
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decision is in the balance about birthright citizenship. I'm John Batchelor.
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¶ ¶.
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I'm John Batchelor with Professor Richard Epstein, throwing up constitutional
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roadblocks in all directions for the vote in November, but
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at the same time, a very large story about birthright
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citizenship that is all voting for the future, if you
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consider the scale of this. On Wednesday, within 48 hours,
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a federal judge in Maryland temporarily blocked the Trump administration
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from enforcing that order just written by the President Donald Trump,
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a new order, seeking to narrow the availability of birthright citizenship. So,
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while it went its way through the court before, and
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birthright citizenship was considered not a problem, the Supreme Court said,
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if you're born here, you're an American citizen. Now the
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Trump administration has gone back with another version of this,
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and they've narrowed it. The judge who gave the stay
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on Wednesday said, named Judge Deborah Boardman. Boardman said that
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as it reads now, the Trump's executive order, quote, is
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almost certainly unconstitutional. Your comment, Professor?
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Well, it depends on what part of it. You should
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know Justice Boardman is not a first-time entrant in this
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particular situation. If you recall, back in early 2025, there
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were a flurry of four decisions made by lower court judges,
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all of which had denounced the the Trump position. She
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wrote the longest and most elaborate of those opinions, and
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I thought that it was 100% wrong, because what she
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did is she said the words in the United States
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or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States are synonyms,
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which is incorrect if you do any close examination of
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the historical record. But now she's on much stronger grounds
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because it turns out that the Chief Justice is equally
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ignorant of the history of the Constitution, so he basically
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made that equation. What does this mean? It means that
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if you do have some person who was born inside
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the United States and is directly covered by that order,
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it seems to me that it's that far, it's unconstitutional,
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which is what she said. There's still two other issues
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that you kind of have to deal with. And one
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of them is how broad is the diplomatic immunity exception
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to that? So if somebody is a foreign national, but
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not an ambassador, but somebody working at the office in
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a low-level capacity, Are those children going to be covered
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as well or not? I think the correct answer to
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that question on the traditional international law principle is if
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you're working for the foreign government in that kind of capacity,
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the nature of the role doesn't matter. It's not applied
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only to senior people. It's applied to everybody. The other
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interesting question is a question about the territories of the
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United States. This turns out to be an immensely difficult
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question because although people tend not to think about it,
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there are, in fact, not only state governments, not only
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federal governments, but also territorial governments that are governed under
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the territorial clause in Article I, saying in effect that
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the Congress shall set up a regime for needful rules.
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It has been conclusively held in all sorts of other
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cases against some strong opposition that the rules that you
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put into the territories need not bear any relationship to
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the rules that are put into the state. The Equal
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Protection Clause defines citizens And it says that no state
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shall make or enforce any law. But in this particular case,
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it's a territorial situation. And so the question is, does
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the president have more power there than he has in
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other places? And is it now going to be possible
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to say that anybody who comes and gives birth in
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Guam is not a citizen of the United States? Because
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essentially what's happened is they're not covered by the Equal
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Protection Clause, because even though they're covered by the Citizenship Clause,
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it turns out that the protection that you get under
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the Equal Protection Clause is not going to be there.
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I don't know what the answer is going to be
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to that. And there's also another question nobody's quite sure about.
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This is a birthright citizenship that applies to children born here.
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But now what the president does is he says, I'm
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going to keep any and all pregnant women from foreign
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nations from coming into this country. And so that birthright
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citizenship does depart. And at this particular point, you're not
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dealing with the birthright stuff. you're dealing with as generally
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regarded as a virtually plenary power of the federal government
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to prevent the entry of anybody into the United States
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who is not a citizen without having to show some
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particular cause. And if that's the case, and you do
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have a cause, then you could keep those women out,
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which then raises the further unresolved question, can you let
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them in on condition that they renounce in advance the
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citizenship of any child they have who comes into the
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United States? Or can you ask them a question, are
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you pregnant or intending to become pregnant? And if they
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answer that question, no, and have the child, then in effect,
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that's a fraud, which allows you to revoke the citizenship
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of the child. Maybe. I don't know what the answer is.
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Nobody else does. What's clear about.
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This case is that the.
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Chief Justice did not understand one thing. The objection to
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birthright citizens in the tourism cases in the United States
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is exceptionally high with respect to people straggling across the border.
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much less so. And so on that ground, he's strong.
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And it turns out there may be a political response
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to that, which will go beyond the last executive order.
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Professor Richard Epstein of the Civitas Institute commenting on, one
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more time, birthright citizenship headed to the Supreme Court. I'm
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John Batchelor.