MENGENAI EPISOD INI
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio holds a joint news conference at the presidential palace with Peruvian President Keiko Fujimori (not pictured) in Lima, Peru, September 10, 2026. Martin Mejia/Pool via REUTERS
Washington’s “Golden Era” Looks Like an Ultimatum
Friendly Presidents, Limited Control
Marco Rubio toured Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru expecting ideological alignment to produce strategic obedience. All three countries have right-wing presidents who campaigned on fighting crime and cooperating with Washington. Yet Rubio’s visit exposed resistance to the Trump administration’s central demand: that Latin American governments subordinate their relationships with China to American priorities.
That is the story. The rest is diplomatic packaging.
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The Power Behind the Partnership
The United States holds the decisive institutional power in this encounter. It can organize military alliances, label foreign groups terrorist threats, pressure governments over trade, and invoke its capacity for unilateral action. Rubio did exactly that, promoting the Shield of the Americas alliance while warning that Washington could act alone against designated groups.
Peru’s government agreed to join the alliance and presented the decision as part of its campaign against organized crime. But the arrangement also gives Washington another instrument for shaping regional security policy. “Partnership” is a flattering word for a relationship in which one party arrives with military capacity, political demands, and an openly stated willingness to bypass consent.
Crime Policy as Strategic Leverage
The Trump administration is using a real regional concern—organized crime—to advance a broader geopolitical project against China. Rubio’s criticism of Chinese-backed projects in Peru was not incidental to the security tour. It revealed what the alliance is also designed to accomplish: pull receptive governments more firmly into Washington’s orbit.
That does not make every Chinese investment benign. It does expose the selective logic of Rubio’s argument. He objected that Chinese projects circumvent Peruvian legal frameworks while representing a government prepared to act unilaterally against targets of its own choosing. Sovereignty appears sacred when China allegedly violates it and negotiable when Washington claims operational necessity.
The Backlash Is Not Confusion
Politico’s framing of the trip as a “backfire” risks treating the resistance as a public-relations mishap. The friction was not caused by poor messaging. It followed from the policy itself.
Peruvian critics argued that their country needs relations with both the United States and other powers. In Colombia, defeated left-wing candidate Ivan Cepeda described Rubio’s visit as a surrender of regional sovereignty. A survey cited in the reporting found greater trust in the Chinese government than in the U.S. administration across the three countries. Those reactions suggest that electing Trump-friendly presidents did not erase national interests, public memory, or suspicion of American coercion.
The earlier Venezuelan oil deal, widely criticized in the region as gunboat diplomacy, made Rubio’s assurances even less credible. Washington cannot display coercive power and then expect neighboring publics to interpret its next military initiative as uncomplicated cooperation.
Beijing Did Not Create Washington’s Problem
China exploited the opening quickly. Its embassy in Lima declared that the Western Hemisphere is “no one’s backyard” before Rubio arrived in Peru. That was propaganda with an obvious target, but Washington supplied the material.
The United States keeps presenting Latin American sovereignty as something adversaries must respect while treating its own regional primacy as natural. Beijing benefits from that contradiction without needing to prove itself a disinterested partner. It only needs Washington to continue behaving like the hemisphere comes with an American deed.
Hegemony Without Persuasion
The larger pattern is an American foreign policy increasingly stripped of persuasion. Ideologically compatible leaders are treated as delivery mechanisms for Washington’s agenda; crime becomes the justification for military alignment; economic competition becomes a loyalty test; and objections are framed as obstacles to be managed.
Rubio’s tour did not fail because Latin America misunderstood the offer. It faltered because many people understood the power structure perfectly well. A government that advertises its capacity to act unilaterally is not offering equals a “golden era.” It is reminding smaller countries who expects to make the decisions.
Thanks to Raw Story
Source: Marco Rubio’s diplomatic trip backfires as America’s top rival seizes the moment: report
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