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JOHN: Students with strong
critical thinking skills can make
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better decisions that have real
consequences on their quality of life.
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In this episode, we explore an approach
to developing these skills that appears
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to have a persistent effect on students’
ability to avoid common cognitive biases.
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[MUSIC]
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Thanks for joining us for Tea for
Teaching, an informal discussion
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of innovative and effective
practices in teaching and learning.
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REBECCA: This podcast series is
hosted by John Kane, an economist…
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00:00:36,389 --> 00:00:38,519
JOHN: …and Rebecca Mushtare,
a graphic designer…
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00:00:38,869 --> 00:00:42,169
REBECCA: …and features guests doing
important research and advocacy work
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to make higher education more inclusive
and supportive of all learners.
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[MUSIC]
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Our guest today is Michael Bishop.
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He is professor of philosophy
at Florida State University.
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His research interests focus on two areas:
rationality [how should we think about
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important things] and happiness [what is
lasting happiness, and how can we get it].
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He is also a co-author of a recent
study investigating the impact
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of critical thinking classes
on common cognitive biases.
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Welcome, Michael.
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MICHAEL: Thank you.
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Glad to be here.
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JOHN: Thank you for joining us.
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Today's teas are:… Michael,
do you have tea by any chance?
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MICHAEL: No, not today.
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I usually drink tea in my office, and when
I do, it's usually a Chinese black tea.
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REBECCA: Always a nice choice.
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Today I have an English breakfast
tea, nothing that exciting,
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JOHN: And I just have nothing that
exciting either, a Lady Grey today.
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REBECCA: We got to step up our game, John.
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So, Michael, we've invited here today
to discuss the field experiment that
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is described in your co-authored paper
entitled "Critical Thinking Classes Can
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Reduce Common Biases: Results from a
Field Experiment.” But before we discuss
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the study, can we start a little bit
with the concept of critical thinking?
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You teach critical thinking.
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What are you trying to teach?
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And what makes someone
a good critical thinker?
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MICHAEL: Yeah, I think
that's a great question.
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One of my favorite sayings is the
philosopher George Santayana said that a
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fanatic is someone who, having lost sight
of their goals, redoubles their efforts.
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And so, in teaching critical thinking,
I think it's important to start with
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an idea of what you want to teach.
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And so there's a lot of possible answers.
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Some people think that a good critical
thinker is someone who uses certain
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rational methods or rules like logic or
probability for the scientific method.
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Other people think that a rational
thinker would be an expert debater,
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someone who can detect fallacies and
build a coherent case for their views.
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Other people view good critical
thinkers as virtuous thinkers;
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someone who is careful,
open-minded, curious, intellectually
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honest, intellectually humble.
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And I actually think these views
are either wrong… so I think
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that good debaters are often
poor reasoners… or incomplete.
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They capture part of good
reasoning, but not everything.
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So basically, what I am trying to
teach in my classes is teaching
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people to ask good questions.
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Ask what I call fruitful questions,
questions that help us get better answers,
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not killer questions that end debates,
but questions that, if you're trying to
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answer them, help get us better answers.
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So when you view that as the goal,
how you go about teaching critical
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thinking becomes much easier.
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JOHN: And as you suggested, people
have many different descriptions
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of what critical thinking is.
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I know whenever we talked about the
importance of this in our Gen Ed program,
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everyone agrees that critical thinking
is extremely important, but they all
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disagree as to what exactly it is.
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So it's helpful, I think, to
start with that statement.
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In this experiment, you're
focused on five common biases.
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Can you describe the biases that
were selected for this study and
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provide some brief examples of
those biases for our listeners?
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MICHAEL: Sure.
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The way psychologists think about
these is in terms of biases.
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The way I think about them
is in terms of cheat codes.
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So there are certain cheat codes
people use in debating or in
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arguments, and cheat code arguments
are arguments that you can use to
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defend pretty much any view you want.
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And so cheat codes are really tools
of manipulation, more than tools
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of trying to figure out what the
truth is or what a good decision is.
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And so when you think about good critical
thinkers as thinkers who can ask good
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questions, the way I think about it is
when you detect a cheat code, when you
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detect somebody using a cheat code on
you, you should be able to ask them a
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question that diffuses the cheat code
and points them in better directions.
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So let me tell you some
of these cheat codes.
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One I call the focalizing cheat code,
and it might go something like this:
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We should go to war because it has
certain benefits, so, if an argument
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like that, or we should not go to
war because it has certain costs.
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If you're convinced by an argument like
that, I think that you've fallen for
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a cheat code, and the best way to see
this is to consider an example where
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where it's clear that it's a cheat code.
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So, suppose I gave you two envelopes, and
I said you can look in these envelopes,
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and you can take all the money that's
in the envelope that you choose, but
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you can only choose one envelope.
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Suppose I open one envelope, see
that there's $5 and I take it without
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looking in the second envelope.
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In that case, you'd think that I've made
a mistake, that I haven't reasoned wisely
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about this particular decision because
I didn't look in the second envelope.
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If I say, "Look, the reason I chose the
first envelope is that having $5 is better
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than not having $5.” It's true that having
$5 is better than not having $5, so there
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is an advantage to choosing envelope one.
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But when you think about it, what
makes a choice a good one isn't that it
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makes you better off than you are now.
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What makes a choice a good one is
that it makes you better off than
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what else you might have done.
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Now, economists call this opportunity
cost, as I suspect you guys know.
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And so, one thing I'm trying to do is
get my students to, when they see someone
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argue for, “Hey, we should go to war
because it's going to bring us benefits.”
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I want them to at least stop and be able
to ask the question, wait a minute, what
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are some alternatives to going to war?
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Because even if it's true that going
to war brings us benefits, and we can
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argue about that, but even if it's true,
it might not be the best thing to do,
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in the same way that choosing envelope
one, even though it brings us benefits,
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might not be the smart thing to do.
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So I call that the focalizing cheat code.
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Another cheat code that I teach is what
you might call the correlation cheat code.
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So I say, "Hey, a new healthcare plan
is passed, and healthcare costs have
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gone up 7% a year since this plan is
passed. Boy, this plan really stinks.
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It's caused our healthcare costs to
go up a lot.” This again, the question
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isn't is the conclusion right in the
war case or in this case, the question
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is: Is this a cheat code argument?
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And it is.
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And the reason is, what you don't know,
and what you really need to know, is
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how high would have costs been had
this healthcare plan not been in place.
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So again, I say this healthcare plan
is great or it's bad, and I point to
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something that happened afterwards that.
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That's what I call the correlation
cheat code because you're taking this
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correlation and you're taking it as
evidence for thinking that this policy
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has caused this particular result.
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And so again, what I want people to do
is just stop and ask the question: “Well,
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wait a minute. Maybe without the health
care plan, costs would have gone up
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even more, or maybe they would have gone
up just the same, or maybe they'd have
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gone up less.” But unless you ask the
question, it's easy to get manipulated
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into accepting views that aren't true.
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Another cheat code is the
regression cheat code.
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This is a very common one.
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So lots of coaches and parents
think that punishment is
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effective at molding behavior.
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I know that when I played sports as a
youth, my coaches thought that after
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a poor performance, if you punish the
players by making them work really hard
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in practice, they'll do better next time.
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And sure enough, after a poor
performance and after we were punished,
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we did tend to perform better.
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But again, the question is: “Did
the punishment do that, or was it
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just a return to our normal level of
performance?” So that's the regression
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cheat code, rather than just saying,
"Hey, maybe you're returning to your
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normal level of performance,” saying that
“it's the result of a punishment or the
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result of a reward.” The third one is
sunk cost cheat code, another one that's
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a favorite of economists, defending a
decision because of the resources already
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spent on it, so let's stick with this
policy or this war because of sunk costs.
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Those sunk costs are gone; they're
gone no matter what you do.
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So you might as well do
what's best for your future.
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And the last one that we looked at was the
gambler's fallacy, and that is basically
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treating statistically independent events,
as if they were statistically dependent.
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So, if a coin comes up five times
heads, and it's really a fair
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coin, thinking that it's more
likely to come up tails next time.
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So, those were the five
cheat codes we looked at.
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REBECCA: I think the soundtrack that we
have going on with the thunder is really
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emphasizing that these are cheat codes.
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[LAUGHTER]
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MICHAEL: Indeed, indeed.
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[LAUGHTER]
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REBECCA: It's very ominous.
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[LAUGHTER] Can you talk a
little bit about how you chose
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these particular cheat codes?
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MICHAEL: Sure.
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So this goes back to my
view about good reasoning.
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So 20 years ago or so, me and a friend
defended a theory of what rational
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reasoning was, and what we said was
that the good reasoning is reasoning
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that's cheap, it's accurate, and
it's focused on significant problems.
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And so the way I chose these
cheat codes is because I thought
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that they were significant.
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That is, people use them to manipulate you
when it comes to really important issues.
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So I see these cheat codes a lot
out there being used in the world
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for really important issues.
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And the cheap part came in because I
think that in thinking about how to
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teach critical thinking, I think one
thing you want to do as a critical
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thinker is to diagnose the problem.
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Why are my students thinking
badly when they do think badly?
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And I think there's three general
answers that people tend to
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think about, although often this
doesn't get talked about enough.
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So one reason students might be thinking
badly is that they don't know these rules,
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so it might be an ignorance problem.
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And if it's an ignorance problem,
then it's going to be really hard
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to teach them to use these rules
in a way that they keep using the
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rules after they leave the class.
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Because not only do they have to learn
the rules and learn to apply the rules,
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but when they leave your class, they need
to stop thinking in their old ways and
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use these rules, which tend to be hard to
remember, hard to apply in the real world.
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And so, one reason that I think studies
have not been successful or have had
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limited success in teaching people to
reason well in a way that sticks once
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they leave the classroom, is that too
often we teach critical thinking as if
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the problem is an ignorance problem.
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So we need to teach
our students new rules.
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So one reason I chose these rules
is that I speculated that they
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already knew these rules and they
sometimes applied them correctly.
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And if that's right, if they sometimes
apply these rules correctly, then I don't
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need to teach them a new rule, and I don't
need to teach them how to apply the rule.
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They're already doing that.
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All I need to do is get them to see that
it's the right rule, and then ask them,
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"Hey, why aren't you using it in these
cases over here, where it seems like you
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should still be using the rules.” So,
for example, think about the two envelope
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problem that I talked about before.
None of my students think, "Oh, yeah,
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choose the $5, that's the way to go.
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None of them think that.
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They know perfectly well that the way you
evaluate that choice is not in terms of
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“Hey I'm $5 better off than I am now,”
it's “Hey if there's $1,000 in the other
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envelope, then I'm 995 dollars worse
off than if I'd have chosen envelope
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number two.” They all see that, so I
don't have to teach them any new rules.
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All I have to do is when I say “Hey
let's go to war, it has this advantage,”
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and if they say, "Yeah, that sounds
good,” I can say, "Wait a minute.
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How is this different from the two
envelope problem?” So the main reason I
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chose these, and these aren't the only
rules I teach in my critical thinking
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class, but the main reason I choose
the rules that I do is that I think
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that my students already know these
rules and at least sometimes apply
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them, and so when I introduce them
to these rules in cases to which they
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are inclined to apply them, they give
me what I call the old bovine stare.
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They look at me like, "Well,
that's obvious. You're not teaching
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me anything I didn't already
know.” And that's what I want.
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I want them when I introduce these
rules to say, "I already knew that.
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Why are you teaching me something so
obvious?” Because then the next class
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period, or a week from now, or a month
from now, when I introduce an argument
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where they ought to be using this
rule that they said was so obvious
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and they're not, I don't have to say,
"Hey, you guys have made a mistake.”
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I can just ask them, "Okay, wait a
minute, you said this rule was obvious,
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why aren't you applying it here?
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Either you were wrong on day one about
that rule being the right rule, or
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you're wrong right now in not applying
that rule.” And so there's a real
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sense in which the reason I chose these
rules is because I think I'm really
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not teaching my students anything new.
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So here's one way to think about it:
rather than teaching them like calculus,
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like a chain rule, like a new formula that
they don't know, what I'm really trying
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to do is get them to recognize cardinals.
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They already know what a cardinal looks
like, so I'm just trying to get them to
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recognize cardinals, and so that's why
I think that the way I teach critical
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thinking tends to work and is way easier
than starting off with the assumption that
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“Hey, my students don't know anything,
and I need to teach them a whole bunch of
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new rules.” So that's why I chose these
rules, and that's why I choose the rules
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that I use in my critical thinking class.
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JOHN: And these are rules that,
when you think about them as you
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framed it, they're pretty obvious.
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But in practice, they're rules
that people violate all of the
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time in their decision making.
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What really impressed me about the study
was that you did get some [LAUGHTER]
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results out of this because so many
studies of behavior modification have
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been found to be ineffective beyond a
very short period of time, often not
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lasting through the end of the class.
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MICHAEL: That's absolutely right.
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In fact, one of my old professors, he said
this about logic classes, but I think it
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unfortunately is often true of critical
thinking classes, but he said that logic
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classes teach you to do one and only
one thing, and that's take logic tests.
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And I sometimes worry that that's
the case with a lot of our attempts
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to teach people to think better,
is that what we're really doing is
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teaching them to take tests because
they will use the rules on the test.
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But if you want them to think about
this afterwards, I really do think
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that the main thing is to get them to
commit to the rule, and then get them to
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recognize, “Hey, wait a minute,” to be
sensitive to when they see it in the real
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world because it's all over the place.
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Once you get sensitive to it,
you start seeing it everywhere.
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And indeed, one danger of my class, of
my critical thinking class that I talk
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to my students is what I call “the turd
in the punch bowl problem,” and that
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is being a good critical thinker isn't
necessarily going to make you popular, and
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so you need to be careful about when you
point out to people that their arguments
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aren't very good, because if you do it
too much, you will end up being like
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the turd in the punch bowl at a party.
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People will look at you and say,
"Oh, I'm going to stay away from
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that person.” And so, at the end of
the semester, I will ask them, "Have
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you had any turd in the punch bowl
experiences as a result of this class?
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And at the end of the semester, a lot
of the students – and I don't know if
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this is good or bad – but about half
of the cases involve the sunk cost
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principle, and usually it involves
the destruction of a relationship.
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So people will end a relationship
because the only reason they've been
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sticking with the relationship is
all the pain and effort and heartache
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they've put into the relationship.
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JOHN: And I know behavioral economists
have noted that quite a bit.
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That once they really get this message
through, it leads to a breakup of so
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many relationships of their students.
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But even people who know these things
sometimes fall into these traps.
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And one example I think I mentioned
on the podcast before, and I know I've
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mentioned it to Rebecca, is one time
I was at a conference with a few other
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people, and we went over to Universal
park, and it was just really hot that
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day, it was like 97 degrees, and we had
spent quite a bit for the tickets for the
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day, and we were just kind of miserable.
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And one of the other people
said we should just go.
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And my response to a historian was that
we spent $230 and we've gone on two rides.
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We really should stay and
get our money's worth.
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And her response was, "But that's a
sunk cost. It shouldn't matter,” and
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it's easy for us to fall into that.
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MICHAEL: Absolutely, and indeed,
this is one of the reasons I choose
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the rules that I do, is that I
think many of them are significant.
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They really can make a difference
to the quality of your decisions
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and the quality of your judgments.
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REBECCA: Can you talk a little
bit about the two-stage training
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program that was used in class?
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MICHAEL: Sure.
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So I gave you a little bit of an
example of it already, but let me
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give you an example with another
case with the correlation cheat code.
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So my go-to example here is I'll tell the
students, “Well, you know, yesterday I ate
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chocolate and today I broke out with zits.
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Boy, that means that eating chocolate
causes zits,” and they immediately say,
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“No, that's terrible.” So the first stage,
what I'm doing is I'm introducing examples
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where they are disposed to use the rule.
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So nobody says, "Yeah, that's great
evidence for thinking that eating
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chocolate causes zits.” And then we
talk a little bit about, “Okay, well,
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what would count as good evidence?”
And they come up pretty quickly with
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maybe just a little bit of help, “Well,
you want to know what happens when you
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eat chocolate and when you don't eat
chocolate, because what you really want
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to know is what difference does eating
chocolate make to your complexion, and
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00:19:12,750 --> 00:19:15,240
so what you want to know is what happens
when you eat chocolate and you don't eat
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chocolate, and everything else relevant
to your complexion is the same, and
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what difference is there in these two
cases,” and so that's the first stage.
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The first stage is just introducing
them to these rules, these cheat codes.
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So I give them the cheat code,
but really a cheat code which they
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detect right away as a cheat code,
and that they know as a cheat code.
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And then I spend the rest of the semester
giving them arguments that use that cheat
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code, but are not as easy to detect.
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And often these are political arguments,
and one reason I don't get into trouble
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– at least I haven't so far – in giving
political arguments is that these cheat
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codes you can use them to defend views
on the left, on the right, in the middle.
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They're tools of manipulation.
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It doesn't matter what the truth is.
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You can use these cheat codes to
defend the true view, the false view,
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smart decisions, dumb decisions.
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And so, what I'm really interested
in doing is getting them to be
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able to detect these cheat codes.
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So a first step is just introduce
them to these cheat codes in a
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way that they will be disposed
to accept and think is obvious.
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And then after that, I'll give
them lots of examples in which
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they're, at least many of them, are
not disposed to think is obvious.
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And then rather than me sort of coming
from on high and saying, "Well, you know,
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you made a mistake there, dummy.” I just
step back and I say, "Wait a minute.
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We seem to have an inconsistency here.
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You insisted that this rule was
right on Monday, and on Friday you're
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not using the rule in this case.
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What's going on?” And I have yet
to have a student, and I've taught
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1000s of students, I've yet to have
a student say, "Okay, I'm going to
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rethink that rule.” They all say,
"Oh, well, I made a mistake here.
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I reasoned badly,” and by the end of the
semester, they're not reasoning badly.
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REBECCA: Sounds like you spend a very
small amount of time on stage one
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and significant time on stage two.
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Do you do all of the cheat codes at
the beginning of the semester and
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then work on utilizing them throughout
the semester, or do you kind of
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do units on different cheat codes?
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How do you organize?
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MICHAEL: So I will introduce a
cheat code and then I'll give them
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examples using that cheat code and
all the cheat codes we've covered.
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So once a cheat code is introduced, they
might see it at any point in the future,
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and I think it's really important they
keep practicing it and keep being able to
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recognize it, and not just think, "Hey, I
know this is the cheat code we're working
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on today, so I just need to be on the
lookout for that one.” Another thing I
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do, and I think this is really important,
is I will sometimes give them arguments
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that are promising, that if you grant the
truth of the premises, they at least give
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you some reason to accept the conclusion.
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Because I don't want the students
just to be skeptical of all arguments.
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I want them to be able to distinguish
between “Okay, that's a cheat code.
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That's definitely a bad argument.
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The conclusion might be true, the
conclusion might be false, but that's
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not a good reason to accept anything”
and then “Okay, well, what would count
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as good evidence for thinking that
this is a smart decision or that this
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policy has led to increased costs or
decreased costs?” And I want them to be
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able to say, "Okay, look, that argument
right there, that's pretty promising.
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This argument over here
definitely uses a cheat code.”
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JOHN: So you start off with a little
bit of retrieval practice with some
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applications of the same concept, and
then you move into some interleaved
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practice, which raises the cognitive
difficulty just a little bit.
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But it's one of those desirable
difficulties where the more cognitive
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effort that students have to place
in identifying what is at issue, the
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more deeply they tend to learn it,
and the more likely it is that those
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concepts will stick and also transfer
into other applications, which is what
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you're building to in this program.
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MICHAEL: Absolutely, absolutely,
the interleaved practice is really
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important, and I wouldn't go back
to sort of the blocking practice.
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REBECCA: So we've talked a little
bit about what the intervention is.
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Can you talk a little bit about how the
study was conducted, like the size of the
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treatment group, the control group, etc.
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MICHAEL: Sure.
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So in the paper, we really describe
just the second study we did, we
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actually did two studies, and in both
studies we had almost 400 students.
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In the first study we had 395 students,
and the second study we had 397 students.
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And some of the students were taking
a critical thinking class from me,
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and the rest of the students were
taking other philosophy classes.
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So in the study that we report
on, we had 113 critical thinking
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students and 284 control students.
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Then what we did is, in the first week
of class, we gave everyone a pretest,
381
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and this involved the five cheat
codes, and then two good arguments,
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or at least promising arguments.
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They weren't necessarily great, but
they didn't use any cheat codes.
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And the reason we included these, what
we called skepticism checks, was just to
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check if all we were doing was creating
skeptical students rather than students
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who could distinguish between promising
arguments and cheat code arguments.
387
00:24:30,730 --> 00:24:34,619
Then, at the end of the semester,
we gave them the same survey,
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same seven questions, and not
surprisingly, in both of the studies,
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the training group students did much
better than the control students.
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00:24:46,079 --> 00:24:48,509
In the first study, we
waited three months.
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So basically, the way to think
about it is that these classes
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all happened in the fall.
393
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We waited till the end
of the spring semester.
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It might have been four months,
and gave them same questions
395
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again in the first study.
396
00:25:00,589 --> 00:25:02,069
We gave them the same questions again.
397
00:25:02,379 --> 00:25:05,869
The trained students did much better, and
then we gave them different questions,
398
00:25:05,959 --> 00:25:07,209
and they still did much better.
399
00:25:07,439 --> 00:25:12,080
So in the second study we did, which is
really the only study that we report on
400
00:25:12,189 --> 00:25:16,970
in the article, we gave them pre-test at
the beginning of the semester, post-test.
401
00:25:17,000 --> 00:25:23,800
Then we waited a full academic year plus
the spring, so we waited 16 months and
402
00:25:23,809 --> 00:25:26,339
only asked them different questions.
403
00:25:26,949 --> 00:25:31,199
So the pretest and posttest were
the same questions, and again my
404
00:25:31,199 --> 00:25:32,959
students did much much better.
405
00:25:33,269 --> 00:25:39,379
But then we waited 16 months and asked
them seven different questions, and
406
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the trained students were still doing
much better, detecting the cheat codes
407
00:25:44,049 --> 00:25:47,709
and recognizing that the good arguments
were still pretty good arguments.
408
00:25:48,309 --> 00:25:50,959
JOHN: DId the trained students
do significantly better with
409
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all 5 of these cheat codes?
410
00:25:53,369 --> 00:25:57,160
MICHAEL: No, they did better
on 4 of the 5 cheat codes.
411
00:25:57,190 --> 00:26:01,880
They did better on the correlation,
regression, sunk cost, and opportunity
412
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cost cheat codes, but in all the
studies that we did, on all the surveys
413
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that we asked, we just couldn’t get
the trained students to do better
414
00:26:12,199 --> 00:26:14,210
on the gambler’s fallacy questions.
415
00:26:14,690 --> 00:26:18,629
JOHN: But still, having students do
better on 4 out of those 5 cheat codes
416
00:26:18,940 --> 00:26:23,449
so long after the initial intervention
is a really impressive result.
417
00:26:23,970 --> 00:26:27,179
One of the things you talk about
near the end of the paper, though,
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is that you note that there are some
possible sample selection issues.
419
00:26:32,039 --> 00:26:36,979
Could you just talk a little bit about
what source of sample selection might have
420
00:26:36,979 --> 00:26:39,099
affected the magnitude of those results?
421
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MICHAEL: So one worry that one
might have is that the students
422
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were not distributed randomly.
423
00:26:45,420 --> 00:26:49,290
So the students chose to take the
critical thinking class, the students
424
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chose to take other philosophy classes,
and so there might be something about
425
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the students who chose critical thinking
classes that would incline them to be
426
00:26:58,270 --> 00:27:02,899
better critical thinkers, despite the
fact that on the pre-tests, all the
427
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students in both groups did equally badly.
428
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So that's one worry one might have,
and the thing to do there is, although
429
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it's not really easy given the
institutions of academia, is to randomly
430
00:27:15,040 --> 00:27:18,919
distribute students into critical
thinking classes and other classes.
431
00:27:19,639 --> 00:27:22,109
So that's the main selection worry.
432
00:27:22,739 --> 00:27:26,029
Another reason why we might have
gotten good results is that I
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had those students for 15 weeks.
434
00:27:28,259 --> 00:27:32,149
Some interventions talk about full-
semester interventions, but often
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they're fairly short interventions.
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00:27:34,660 --> 00:27:40,679
I was able to have the students for
15 weeks and made them practice a lot.
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00:27:41,020 --> 00:27:44,199
REBECCA: It sounds like in the
design of the experiment in your
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00:27:44,199 --> 00:27:47,379
class, just generally, there's lots
of opportunities for feedback and
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correction throughout the semester.
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00:27:49,650 --> 00:27:50,870
MICHAEL: Yes, absolutely.
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00:27:50,979 --> 00:27:57,279
There's a lot of feedback, a lot of
correction, and I have a big bank
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of good and bad arguments that I
can give them over the course of the
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semester that use these cheat codes
or that don't use the cheat codes.
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00:28:05,339 --> 00:28:10,729
And one of the things I do for an
essay in this class is ask the students
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00:28:11,129 --> 00:28:16,549
to put themselves in the shoes of
someone who's trying to come up with
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00:28:16,549 --> 00:28:21,399
a cheat code argument and ask them
to give me bad arguments that use
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00:28:21,400 --> 00:28:24,339
these cheat codes, and they actually
turn out to be pretty good at it.
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00:28:24,430 --> 00:28:28,969
And many of the examples that I use
on later students are examples that
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00:28:28,970 --> 00:28:30,879
prior students have come up with.
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00:28:31,369 --> 00:28:32,940
REBECCA: Sounds like it makes
it a little bit fun too.
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00:28:33,540 --> 00:28:37,339
MICHAEL: Yes, I do ask them
for any humorous examples or
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examples that us boomers would
have a hard time understanding.
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00:28:42,489 --> 00:28:42,539
[LAUGHTER]
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00:28:42,930 --> 00:28:47,329
JOHN: One of the things we appreciated
about this study is that the data, the
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00:28:47,369 --> 00:28:52,069
results, and the analyses that were
done are all reported in more detail
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00:28:52,410 --> 00:28:54,860
on the Open Science Framework website.
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00:28:55,190 --> 00:28:59,289
We'll include a link to that website
in the show notes for this episode.
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00:29:00,250 --> 00:29:03,209
REBECCA: So we always wrap
up by asking, "What's next?
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00:29:04,129 --> 00:29:05,259
MICHAEL: A few things are next.
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00:29:05,289 --> 00:29:11,769
One is I'm writing a textbook that
uses the materials that I teach.
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00:29:12,169 --> 00:29:15,599
The way I teach critical
thinking is different from
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00:29:15,779 --> 00:29:16,919
the way other people teach it.
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00:29:17,229 --> 00:29:20,429
I haven't found a good textbook
that teaches critical thinking
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00:29:20,429 --> 00:29:21,599
the way I like to teach it.
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00:29:21,619 --> 00:29:24,909
So I'm currently writing a
textbook that hopefully will help
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00:29:24,910 --> 00:29:26,599
other people get good results.
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00:29:26,910 --> 00:29:32,739
I'm also planning to build, if I can,
a game that anybody can play to see
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00:29:32,739 --> 00:29:38,360
whether they can avoid being bamboozled
[LAUGHTER] by cheat code arguments, this
469
00:29:38,360 --> 00:29:43,490
is sort of a longer term project because
writing a book is going to be useful,
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00:29:43,490 --> 00:29:45,410
hopefully, for people to teach this.
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00:29:45,510 --> 00:29:50,170
But what's really important, in
my view, what makes this stick is
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00:29:50,170 --> 00:29:51,880
practicing on lots of examples.
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00:29:52,240 --> 00:29:57,159
And so, in a game where people see an
argument and you say, “Well, is this
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00:29:57,209 --> 00:30:01,360
promising argument, or is somebody trying
to manipulate you?” we'll hopefully
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00:30:01,360 --> 00:30:05,019
give people practice at being able
to detect those cheat code arguments.
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00:30:05,350 --> 00:30:07,560
So those are two of the
projects that I'm working on.
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00:30:08,019 --> 00:30:10,820
JOHN: On the latter project,
will it be a board game?
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00:30:10,830 --> 00:30:12,649
Will it be an electronic game?
479
00:30:12,649 --> 00:30:16,589
Will it be an online game, or
is that something that'll be
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00:30:16,590 --> 00:30:18,050
decided further in the future?
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00:30:18,110 --> 00:30:19,999
MICHAEL: No, it'll be an online game.
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00:30:20,049 --> 00:30:21,989
Is what I'm hoping to do.
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00:30:22,529 --> 00:30:26,139
I want to do something that can
be used not just by my students
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00:30:26,139 --> 00:30:27,369
and that's easily accessible.
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00:30:27,590 --> 00:30:28,969
REBECCA: Sounds like some great projects.
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00:30:28,969 --> 00:30:30,510
Thanks for joining us today.
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00:30:30,779 --> 00:30:31,469
MICHAEL: Oh, you're welcome.
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00:30:31,469 --> 00:30:32,259
It's been a pleasure.
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00:30:32,570 --> 00:30:33,059
JOHN: Thank you.
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00:30:33,160 --> 00:30:36,229
I was really impressed by this study
[LAUGHTER] because, as I mentioned
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00:30:36,239 --> 00:30:41,280
before, it's so rare to see effects
that are so significant and persistent.
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00:30:41,520 --> 00:30:45,879
It's, I think, something that people can
learn from in terms of other types of
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00:30:45,879 --> 00:30:50,879
issues where it's hard to convey this
sort of long-term impact on students.
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00:30:51,299 --> 00:30:52,159
MICHAEL: Well, thank you so much.
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00:31:00,729 --> 00:31:00,829
[MUSIC]
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00:31:03,669 --> 00:31:06,440
JOHN: If you've enjoyed this
podcast, please subscribe and
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00:31:06,440 --> 00:31:10,500
leave a review on Apple Podcasts
or your favorite podcast service.
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00:31:11,059 --> 00:31:15,589
To continue the conversation, join us
on our Tea for Teaching Facebook page.
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00:31:16,540 --> 00:31:19,149
REBECCA: You can find show
notes, transcripts and other
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00:31:19,150 --> 00:31:21,480
materials on teaforteaching.com.
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00:31:22,509 --> 00:31:24,479
Music by Michael Gary Brewer.
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00:31:24,479 --> 00:31:28,479
[MUSIC]