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First of all, a very warm welcome to all of you.
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We all know why we're here, I think. But I just wanted to say just a few words of welcome to you and thank you to all of you for coming.
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I want to thank particularly one or two individuals and organisations.
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The first not withstanding is the other Norwegians who have very generously supported financially in this particular event.
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And we are very grateful for you for that support.
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There's also some unsung heroes, not least Ruth, Jeanette, Rosemary Oliver.
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You may not realise just how much effort has gone in behind the scenes to get all
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of you in the right place at the right time and to make this event take place.
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And I just want to say thank you very much indeed for your work.
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The we have been through a period of significant conflict and it's our interest at the moment has been very much on civil military relations.
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And I think that the emphasis of that is almost invariably on what the elites do.
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Governments talk to senior military, naval and air personnel and equally what advice they give back.
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But one of the things that's made Hugh Strong so different from the discussion we've had in the past,
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and that subject is really his insistence that we involve the other elements of the Trinity,
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the people, that there should be a public dialogue about defence, about security, about the native structure and about decision making.
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It is perhaps to our regret, so all of us, that the Chilcot inquiry has not yet been published.
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I think we are always in an interest to see what that's produced.
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But the fact that you are here and we are having a public discussion me is wonderful and the fact that we have huge speaking on it this evening.
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So thank you very much indeed. Professor said he thought I had to hand it to you.
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Rob, thank you very much. And, of course, I'm just thank all those that you've also thanked for making this possible.
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It is actually truly wonderful to see so many friends.
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Some are very longstanding indeed. Some of you know, things that I probably don't want you to repeat in our current context.
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And some of you, I hope, are not that old friends and therefore see me as the more respectable citizen, at least some of the time.
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It is. I hear the echo. Let me just say the acoustics.
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Okay. I think we we had Dave Petraeus change actual program, had Dave Petraeus here giving a lecture last year or he wasn't a lecture.
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It was a conversation with Nick Parker. And I said, it is a debating chamber.
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It must be okay to do it without any assistance on the audio side.
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And then afterwards, Paul Roof got a barrage of emails from people saying they couldn't hear.
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So this is erring on the side of caution. What I want to say and Rob Trail, it is a bit about strategy in democracy.
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I have to say I chose the title when Ali Ibrahim is said to me, What's your title?
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I said, No strategy in democracy. I said, I thought about it rather more recently.
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But I think, as Rob said, it is something which I feel one way or another has been close to my intellectual interests.
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And I want to begin with something that also reflects what I never expected to be doing when I came to Oxford in the end of 2001, beginning 2002.
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And that is talk about a visit to Afghanistan in June 2012 on the anniversary of Waterloo on the 18th of June.
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I went with a group of other academics and policy wonks and so on,
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from NATO member states to Kabul University to meet a class of law and politics students.
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And naively, we had imagined that with the election of President Karzai or not his election sorry,
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the election of his successor on the agenda, that that was what we were going to talk about.
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Indeed, I was rather looking forward to hearing what they would say about President Karzai's succession.
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In practice, the Afghans wanted to talk about the security position,
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about NATO's ongoing commitment to Afghanistan, and about the problems of Taliban safe havens in Pakistan.
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One particularly outraged, huge referred to President Obama's visit to Kabul just over six weeks previously on the 1st of May 2012.
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The President and the President of Afghanistan, Karzai,
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had signed the enduring strategic partnership between the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the United States of America.
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The agreement included arrangements for a long term security partnership and for the possibility of U.S. forces remaining in Afghanistan after 2014,
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as it said, for the purposes of training Afghan forces and targeting the remnants of al Qaeda.
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The agreement was trumpeted on Afghan television that day, both by Obama and by Karzai, but that agreement was not what agitated the Afghan students.
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What has outraged him was that in the early hours of the following morning,
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that was to say one minute passed for having just checked this on the Internet.
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One minute, Miles, four in the morning, Afghan time.
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President Obama had been on television again and on this occasion he had been speaking,
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not the Afghan people, but to the people of the United States from Bagram Airbase.
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And he told the American people, our troops will be coming home.
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Both statements are, of course, compatible.
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But for this Afghan, here was one voice.
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Earlier in the day, the previous day, saying the United States was saying and here was another voice saying, the United States are going.
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Famously in 2005. General Sir Rupert Smith,
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who's been a very good friend through changing character all program I'm sorry he can't be here
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today wrote a book which he called The Futility of Force The Art of War in the Modern World,
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in which he characterised today's wars as wars amongst the people.
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There are moments when I read essays and dissertations which quote that which just make me feel, you know, let's move on.
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But it was a fair enough observation.
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In that it reflected his experience in Northern Ireland and in Bosnia.
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And of course when he wrote it he caught the emerging concerns of British and American soldiers in Iraq and in Afghanistan.
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They were engaged as armies in most counterinsurgency campaigns have been engaged in securing the loyalty of the local population.
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Wars amongst the people have characterised the operating environment in which armies have often and especially recently found themselves.
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My focus this evening is not with the operating environment but with the strategic context.
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What does war among the people means in the making of national strategy?
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My concern is not so much with the capacity, but the loyalties of people caught in the crossfire of a combat zone.
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But with the role of peoples in mature democracies, in the formation of strategic decisions.
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In May 2012, President Obama gave one message to the people of Afghanistan and another to the people of the United States.
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He told each what he thought they wanted to hear, and in the process he caused confusion and disarray.
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He's not alone. Our own Prime Minister, David Cameron, said in 2010 that Britain would end its war in Afghanistan by 2015.
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Of course we ended it formally just before that and went on to explain that he had set a
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clear withdrawal date because the British people expected it and they were right to do so.
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He said nothing about the objectives of the United Kingdom and the United Kingdom's government
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within Afghanistan or the potential consequences of the timing for the Afghan people,
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or what a desirable outcome might look like for the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
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Both the president of the United States and the prime minister of the United Kingdom
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were effectively treating their electorates as partners in the decision making process.
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That, for me is much more significant in the making of strategy than waging wars amongst the people in the latter.
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The people are treated as the passive objects of influence in the former.
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They become active participants in the formation of policy.
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But as President Obama's mixed message on the 1st of May 2012 showed,
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the people in the face of war and the people at home are not so easily separated,
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especially if we follow the cliché which we don't seem to be able to avoid,
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and of which we are so often reminded that we live in an interconnected world,
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a world in which the transmission of news lies no longer in the hands of professional journalists, or can be so easily managed by governments.
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Today, the message given in the theatre of operations cannot in practice diverge from that given at
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home without running the risk of inconsistency at best and direct self-contradiction at worst.
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Both Obama and Cameron chose deadlines for the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan,
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which bore less relationship to the possible situation in Afghanistan,
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and much more to the political and electoral situations within the United States and the United Kingdom.
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Do I need to move this thing down of it? I can hear, you know, better.
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Good. I'm getting a note from Audrey, so must be all right.
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Their objectives were defined less in terms of identifiable objectives within Afghanistan and more in terms of what came to be called exit strategies.
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Exits are not strategies. Exits are perhaps means or possibly ways, but they're certainly not ends.
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But by admitting the role of democracy in strategy,
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the leaders of democratic states have put themselves between a rock and a hard place in order to explain
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to their nation why their own forces are engaged in faraway places of which their peoples know little.
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They used the vocabulary of mass mobilisation borrowed from the Second World War.
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They are ready to let these wars be called wars of choice, but they use vocabulary which suggests they are wars of necessity.
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To be fair to President Obama, he has been much more circumspect in this regard than George W Bush was.
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He was only too happy to cite Pearl Harbour after the 911 attacks.
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And, of course, Tony Blair compared the potential appeasement of Saddam Hussein with the appeasement of Adolf Hitler.
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But the consequence of Obama's circumspection has been a reputation for indecision, for lack of clarity,
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and for a failure to provide the strategic leadership required not just by the United States, but by NATO and the West as a whole.
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The alternative is no better. As David Cameron's record shows, three times as prime minister.
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He has spoken of an existential conflict of a generational war or of direct threats to the British way of life.
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In 2011 over Libya, in January 2013, over the Al Qaeda attack on the BP gas installation in Algeria and in June 2015,
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most recently, of course, of the ice inspired attack on British citizens in Sousse in Tunisia.
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What his words exposed is the gap between the rhetoric and his intent.
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He speaks big, but does little for a people engaged in so many existential wars simultaneously.
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You will look remarkably comfortable and secure, remarkably at peace and remarkably unconcerned.
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And in that, you reflect most of British society.
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The effect of democracy on strategic decision making seems to be that national leaders have to overpromise and then
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under-deliver or overdramatise and then underperform when they should be under promising and over delivering.
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If substance matched rhetoric, Britain will be doing much more than committing 2% of its GDP to defence.
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If indeed it is committing that, CDSs will probably put me right on whether I've got that right or not.
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There is a conundrum here. Democratic leaders are under pressure to hype the threat precisely because their electorates don't feel threatened.
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And yet, the more they do so, the less convinced the public seem to be.
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Gordon Brown, as prime minister, explained the war in Afghanistan in terms related to domestic security.
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He said British troops were fighting, killing and dying in Helmand to keep the streets of London safe.
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But the public was not convinced and nor were many of the soldiers.
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Democracy has so associated itself with material and personal security,
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with the functioning of liberal capitalism, that it has divorced itself from war.
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The identity of the state itself is weakened by its reliance on supranational organisations like the EU,
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NATO and the United Nations and by its passing of what used to be state functions to private companies or to multinational corporations.
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This process applies even within defence. With the growth of private military companies.
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Democracy has become associated with peace, not with war.
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Democracies are characterised as risk and casualty averse, and they are seen as reluctant to be taxed in order to provide funds for national security.
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Underpinning this set of assumptions is the master narrative of the democratic peace.
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In 1989, Jack Levi wrote that, to quote him,
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The absence of war between democracies comes as close as anything we have to an empirical law in international relations.
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The belief in democratic peace argues that democracies rarely go to war with one another and that that is a consequence of the character of democracy.
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Of course, democratic peace theory does not rule out the probability or possibility of democracies fighting non democracies.
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But that in itself raises the question of what a democracy is and what is not a democracy.
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In 1914 and I got it right from the First World War, of course.
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In 1914, Britain had the lowest level of male suffrage of any of the belligerents, original belligerents except Hungary.
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About 60% of British males aged over 21 had the vote.
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In Germany, every male was able to vote.
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Even states that political scientists would classify as non democracies are not necessarily states without mass participation.
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A point. True. Not just as Germany in the First World War, but also of Germany in the Second World War.
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The assumption that things are otherwise is a product of the master narrative of liberalism, an inheritor of the weakened view of history,
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and an assumption that liberal democracy will produce not just domestic but also international harmony.
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Its logical corollary is that democracies find it hard to make war.
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There is, after all, in many minds, an inherent tension between the words I have chosen for my title this evening.
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Strategy and Democracy. Historically, this is absurd.
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From classical Athens to modern America. Democracies have waged war and done so through a participatory decision making system.
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Much of the city's history of the Peloponnesian War, I should say quickly, as I was leaving college just now,
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I saw Simon Hornblower as I was going out to Massachusetts to be in the eye.
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Well, I'm not this idiot in his.
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I thought I should stop and just check what I was going to say was okay, but I didn't have the time having left it too late.
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But I think the bit is pretty unexceptional. Much of the city's history of the Peloponnesian War is concerned with exactly this
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the problems of Athens as a democracy in waging war coherently and consistently.
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I'm not going to go back to ancient history.
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Instead, I'm going to begin this series of reflections with the Enlightenment and the 18th century.
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The idea of the Democratic piece, after all, takes its argument from Immanuel Kant essay on Perpetual Peace.
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Kant argued that republics would enjoy peace with other republics, and he wrote that in 1795,
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when Europe was still exploring the foothills of a series of wars which would last another 20 years,
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wars driven by the French Republic, fighting as it claimed for liberty, equality and fraternity against a league of absolute monarchies.
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Despite the horrors which the wars of the French Revolution brought to Europe,
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most French revolutionaries, at least in 1795, would not have disagreed with Kant.
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They, as they saw it, were waging war to bring perpetual peace.
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The reason that France found itself at war, they believed, was not the fault of France,
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but the fault of autocracies and absolute monarchies that failed to recognise the
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need to democratise the failed to recognise the need to give power to the people.
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But against this narrative ran a powerful alternative.
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The notion that democratisation was a tool for national mobilisation in a time of war.
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The French officer, the aristocratic and enlightened Kant to bear, first published his essay General The Tactic anonymously in 1770,
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but then under his own name in 1772 and in an English translation in 1781.
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Most of those who quote Quebecer do so by citing a passage which I too will quote partly because I want to come back to it later.
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Let us suppose in Europe be better, right?
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Let's suppose in Europe there was the spring of a vigorous people with genius with power and a happier form of government,
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a set of people that's a strict virtue. And the national soldiery joined a fixed plan of aggrandisement who never lost sight of that system,
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who knowing how to carry on the war with little expense and subsist by that conquests, was not reduce the necessity of laying down their arms.
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By the calculation of finances, Gilbert then proceeded to argue that for France,
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the first step to a successful exterior policy was domestic political reform.
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Interior politics, having thus prepared us things.
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He went on cable, went on with what facility external politics can resolve upon the system of her own
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interests in opposition to her foreign ones by the raising of a respect for military power.
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How easy it is, give our right to have armies invincible in a state where subjects are citizens, where they cherish and revere government,
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where they are fond of glory, where they are not intimidated at the idea of toiling for the general good.
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As an army officer, Gebauer was, of course, a servant of the king.
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But he dedicated his book not to Louis, but to my country.
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He included the king of France, his father, as he called him within that.
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But he also addressed the book to ministers, its administrators, that is,
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the administrators of France, to all ranks of the state, its members to the people, its children.
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He looked forward to the day when all its members would be united, as he put it, may the ruler and his subjects,
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the high and low degrees of the community, feel themselves honoured with the title of citizens.
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Quebecers died after a short illness on the 6th of May 1790.
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By then, the French Revolution had not reached its apogee in the terror in the terror,
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nor had the transformation of the French state yet revolutionised the structure of the French army by 1795.
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Those developments, both of them were much more obvious.
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Revolutionary France treated those who opposed the logic of its own position.
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Its completion of the revolution with universal principles took it to conclude its right,
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to conclude that its enemies were politically backward in the day.
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Catholic counterrevolutionary peasants were not treated as naive and well-educated,
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but as part of a conspiracy against the revolution and its government, they were treated instead, therefore,
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as political actors and about quarter of a million men,
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women and children for a quarter of the population of the modern day were exterminated by the revolutionary armies in 1793 1794.
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Captain Dupuy of the French Revolution armies wrote from the von Date and his sister in January 1794.
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Wherever we go, we are bringing fire and death.
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A sex. Nothing is being respected. Yesterday, one of our detachments burned a village.
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One volunteer killed three women with his own hands.
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It is atrocious, but. And this is the crux.
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But the safety of the republic demands imperatively part of that urgency related to the
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fact that revolutionary France faced an external threat as well as an internal one.
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It was simultaneously fighting the war of the first coalition against Britain, Austria and Prussia in 1797, a hanoverian serving in the Prussian army.
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The son of an NCO, Gerhart Scharnhorst,
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published his general reflections on the armies in the Revolutionary Wars and tried to provide some sort of explanation why
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the French Revolutionary Army had so surprised those of the old order and had formed with the fort with so much success.
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And his answer to that problem was that the French army had been transformed by the revolution, by the political impulse given to its army,
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as a result, by the identification of the soldier with the nation for scharnhorst as rather military reformers in the following decade and more.
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Citizenship created soldiers with a stake in the nation who were ready to fight and die because they had rights.
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Then with the soldiers, a pre 1789 monarchists in the wars against Napoleon Prussians were forced to sit on their hands
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between the end of that war to the first coalition in 1795 and the year in a campaign of 1806,
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and again to sit on their hands after the Treaty of Till said to be to 12th in 1808,
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beginning of 1808, and the war of so-called National Liberation in 1813.
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And the officers who were associated with Scharnhorst, including, of course, no Tanakh and Clausewitz,
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look to Spain and Italy for evidence of effective resistance against France.
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Resistance waged by guerrillas motivated as they saw it by national sentiment.
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Scharnhorst was a father figure to Clausewitz. And Clausewitz shared the frustration of his mentor and of knights.
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And together, they plotted a war of national liberation in defiance of the wishes of their own.
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King.
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In February 1812, Clausewitz sent a long three part memorandum to Nice Enough, which call on the German nation to wage a war of national liberation,
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mobilising the entire population, ready to use terror and prepare to die rather than to admit defeat.
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He specifically quoted an event going back to that first quotation from Baron, the most familiar one, even if, of course, being Clausewitz.
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He never acknowledged his sources. He called for a people with genius, with power, and a happy form of government.
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This was the clown prince who, when he wrote a book, chapter three of On War,
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identified the French Revolution as having put the state's mobilisation for war on a new and unprecedented level.
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To quote Michael Howard and Peter Praise translation suddenly war again.
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The last time had been Roman Republic.
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Suddenly, war again became the business of the people.
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The people of 30 millions, all of whom considered themselves to be citizens.
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The people became a participant in war instead of governments and armies as heretofore.
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The full weight of the nation as heretofore, the full weight of the nation was thrown into the balance.
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Clausewitz was clear about what had happened, and the question for him was whether that would be the pattern in the future from now on.
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He asked,
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Will every war in Europe we waged with the full resources of the state and therefore have to be fought only over major issues that affect the people?
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Or shall we again see a gradual separation taking place between government and people?
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Clausewitz was clear about the enormous contribution the heart and temper of a nation can make to the sum total of its political of of its politics,
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of its politics, its war potential, and its fighting strength.
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Robb's already referred to the Clausewitz in Trinity, and this is where the Trinity fits in, in book one of On War.
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Clausewitz described war as being made up of three parts passion, the play probability and chance and reason.
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He then associated each of those qualities with three particular groups of actors, with the passion, with people,
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the player, probability and chance, with the army and its commanders, and reason with the government.
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But he also made absolutely clear in a way which for too many modern, which only a way which too many modern readers neglect,
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that those relations, the relations between those three component parts over the primary trinity of the secondary trinity were not fixed.
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He did not rule out a people that was passionate and rational.
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Indeed, much else that he wrote about 19th century warfare was conditioned on the realisation that
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European civilisation did not preclude the need to abandon moderation and embrace terror.
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Nor is the relationship between war and policy fixed in the Trinity.
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It too can fluctuate with the rational elements of policy of most by passion or by the contingencies of the battlefield.
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The problem with recent largely, predominantly Anglophone readings of John War is this determination to wrest it
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within a view of strategy that sees a linear relationship between policy and war,
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and an elite relationship between generals and politicians in the making of strategy and the making of strategy,
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which then excludes the people, the roles of the people, and possibly the passion becomes subordinated.
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To be fair, after the defeat from Napoleon, Clausewitz could be seen as colluding in this process.
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The French Revolution was seen to have wrought war protracted, destructive, and to use a neologism total to Europe.
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Preventing revolution could prevent war.
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And so separating revolution from war and war from revolution was high on the list of most monarchs when they met at Vienna in 1815.
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One of them was Friedrich Wilhelm, the third of Prussia, whose authority Clausewitz,
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had so directly challenged 1812 by appealing to the German nation rather than to the Prussian king,
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and by then resigning from the Prussian army and from the Royal Service.
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To serve in the army of Russia. By 1819, Clausewitz knew which side his bread was buttered if he wanted a job.
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And he realised that if he required and depended on preferment in post-war Prussia, he better moderate his proposals for military reform,
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specifically his proposals for the reform of the land that carried directly political implications.
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And said something about some small form of implicit citizenship.
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So the idealistic conflation of citizenship and military service of political awareness
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and the defence of the nation was moderated after 1815 and not just in Prussia.
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Armies became less instruments for national mobilisation and more tools of counterrevolutionary domestic order.
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The debate about democratisation of war became one bound up, above all, with the idea of the nation and arms of military service in its terms.
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And conscription became less a manifestation of liberation and political awareness.
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The full idealist idealised form it had had in the 1790s, and now more a mechanism for social control, broadly speaking.
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In 1848, armies remained loyal to their governments.
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By 1914, mass armies could be raised without too much attention being paid to the corollary that they
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should see themselves as politically aware partners in the making of national strategy.
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The debate hadn't gone away. Of course, it remained vibrant in France, not least thanks to John Jeu, as is La Nouvelle,
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and with socialists, of course, arguing that citizen soldiers would fight purely defensive wars.
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But in 1916, Britain could introduce conscription without simultaneously adopting universal military male suffrage.
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In 19 1718, Britain, France and Germany all addressed the issue of political education in their armed forces,
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believing it was important to reduce motivated bodies of men.
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But in none of them was that programme adequately fulfilled.
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Even in revolutionary Russia,
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where of course there were advocates for soldiers who should be political or work politically aware, most evidently frenzy.
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There were others who said professional qualifications to trump political ones, and for that reason,
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Trotsky argued that Tsarist officers should be included within the Revolutionary Army and in Germany at the war's end.
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Because Mikhail Geier has written Ludendorff called in October for national mobilisation for a nation in arms,
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but it remained an idea in embryo which others turned against and which indeed contributed to the loss of respect,
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which ludendorff experienced that in the period leading up to the armistice.
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I am not suggesting that the First World War ended the idea of the political but politicised soldier.
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The men who would fight because they were committed to a set of over arching values were still there.
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In the Second World War.
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Both the Weimar, as it's understood by Omer Berkoff at any rate, and the Soviet army would stress the value systems for which they fought.
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And as in the First World War, the armies of Western democracies again established programs of political education.
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But something much more profound began to happen, at least in the ideas of these Western democracies.
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Those who were motivated for political reasons to fight were more often seen to be insurgents, radicals and revolutionaries.
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The First World War changed the relationship of established democratic paths to revolution and its place within war.
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Popular mobilisation and political awareness, universal suffrage and a mass popular press made the people full participants in the war.
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But it also made the commitment of the people itself to the war and to the state a potential source of weakness in the Napoleonic Wars.
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Revolution had led to war in the First World War.
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War led to revolution. That was, of course, a fear which many national leaders expressed in July 1914 itself, including strip of grey in this country.
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Bettmann holding in Germany and Tsar Nicholas in Russia.
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Once the war broke out, Germany aimed to export revolution to the empires of its enemies to Britain, France and Russia.
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But it did so not just in a colonial context, but also in Dublin and ultimately in Petrograd.
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Britain did the same exporting revolution to the Ottoman Empire,
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and in 19 1718 the Allies were ready to promote revolution also within Germany and Austria-Hungary.
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Democracy has become a source of vulnerability as well as a strength.
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It was no longer just about its capacity for mass mobilisation, but also potentially a source of introspection and domestic concern.
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After Britain's after 1918, Britain's blockade of Germany became rationalised as the instrument that had persuaded the German
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people to turn against their Kaiser and to overthrow that government in the final stages of the war.
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In 1930 940. Britain planned to repeat the act to use economic warfare once more.
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But with the overrunning of most of Europe, that was no longer a possibility.
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Instead, by the winter of 1940 142, the strategic bombing offensive had been fashioned into an instrument designed to target German civilian morale.
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As Thomas Hitler shown in his study of doing the ideas of strategic bombing into his hands through their
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origins precisely from to raise awareness of the relationship between citizenship and modern war,
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and his readiness to argue that citizens were actually responsible political actors who were therefore regarded as potential targets.
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In 1944, after D-Day, Allied Intelligence was searching for the signs of another German stab in the back of another coup against Hitler.
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And on the basis of that, we're expecting the war to end by the by December 1944.
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Of course, in the Western narrative, their own populations were robust and loyal.
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It was the populations of authoritarian regimes which were vulnerable and fickle.
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The presumption here was that the offer of democratisation would call for people to
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turn against their own autocratic leaders and embrace support for their invaders.
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A presumption put to the test.
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Most recently, of course, in the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and found wanting, just as it was found wanting in Germany in 1940 445.
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Between 1945 and the end of the Cold War,
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the Western democracies did not have to engage with the role of the people in the making of strategy at any sustained and serious level.
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Their armed forces were actively engaged in the wars, fought as part of the withdrawal from Empire.
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The promoters of democracy were colonial resistance movements, not the powers of Europe or the United States.
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Students of my generation,
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I went up in May 68 know didn't go the nation state that my generation all maintained they'd been on the barricades in May 68.
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I went up in October 68. Students of my generation all read Frantz Fanon's Wretched of the Earth.
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No, not all of them. Some less, and put posters of Che Guevara on their walls.
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These were the icons of the enemy, not of the constituent elements of the Trinity in the making of national strategy and at home.
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Nuclear weapons made the people potential targets of attack as they have been in the Second World War.
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But they were now perpetually bombed as hostages to deterrence.
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They became passive pawns more than potentially active participants whose loyalties
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might be affected when they protested against their role in the nexus of deterrence,
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as they did in some cases through the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament or through opposition to cruise missiles.
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They were identified with subversive influences, with the influences of the putative enemy seen as weakening the state.
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Not strengthening nuclear weapons had the effect of demobilising the democratic strength of Western governments.
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And they did so in two more direct ways.
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The first way in which they did so was that nuclear weapons acted as one element in the swing away from the mass army,
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a process directly linked here in Britain because the Sands White Paper of 1957 simultaneously embraced nuclear deterrence and rejected conscription.
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Other states did not do it quite so explicitly and did it much more slowly.
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But think where France the. Home of the nation at arms.
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The sponsor, if you like, above all of the citizen soldier, think where France is today.
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Nearly two decades on, from its own decision to abandon conscription and to embrace the idea of the professional army.
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Democracies no longer presume that going to war will require the active participation of their citizens as a body.
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And the second way in which nuclear weapons were attractive or had an effect in terms that they were attractive for this reason,
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but they also had an effect in demobilising democracy was that nuclear weapons were cheap option.
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This is all comparative.
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Of course, they were a way of maintaining a major military option after containable cost while not engaging in active hostilities.
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And the challenge of the Cold War was how to maintain a large military establishment
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while not actually fighting a major war to justify that large military establishment.
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Nuclear the beauty of nuclear weapons was that you were able to square that particular circle.
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But the corollary of that was that you maintained a large military establishment and comparatively low cost, relatively in the 19th century.
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Both Sir Robert Peel as a as a peacetime prime minister and his and even if another party, William Ewart Gladstone,
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had argued that income tax introduced of course originally in Britain as a war tax during the Napoleonic wars,
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would inhibit Britain's appetite for war. They argue that if Britain went to war,
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the rate of income tax would have to go up and that would actually give Parliament
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pause and might actually need it to reflect on the wisdom of doing this.
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The corollary of that was that taxation was a form of wider participation in the decision making process,
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which we all will require if going to war forced up the rate of income tax.
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Then there had to be a parliamentary debate about income tax as well as about going to war.
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And indeed,
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the argument about income tax will be rather more vociferous and rather more central to the running of the state than that of going to war.
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That relationship between the cost of war and the decision to embrace it was weakened during the Cold
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War by that reliance on nuclear weapons and seems to me to be have been almost completely broken.
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After 2003, one of the most remarkable aspects of the wars waged by Western democracies
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since 911 is that they are effectively presented to their publics as cost free.
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Joseph Stiglitz and Linda Bilmes made this point in relation to the United States in their book, The $3 Trillion War.
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3 trillion was then their estimate of the eventual overall costs, including indirect costs, including medical costs,
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including opportunity costs, including interest payments for the United States of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
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The point they were making could apply equally well in the United Kingdom.
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We don't actually know what the cost of our participation in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan
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will turn out to be because we're still living with those costs and we're still absorbing them.
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Many of them incurred indirectly. Neither Tony Blair nor Gordon Brown mobilised the people of Britain for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan,
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and a particularly did not mobilise them for the war in Iraq in 2003 by asking them to fund
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Britain's military effort through increased taxation all through that incredibly fashionable word,
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austerity. Instead, the democracies hid the costs of war and struggled to answer direct questions designed to elicit them.
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When the economic crash came in 2008 nine.
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Nobody suggested that the waging the protracted war had any role in creating national deficits or in causing the crash.
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I'm not suggesting they did, but it still seems to me remarkable that nobody made the links,
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both directly and indirectly, that for the place of democracy in the making of strategy,
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through the active participation of the citizen soldier all through the enduring contribution of the enfranchised taxpayer has become marginalised.
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The effect is that the making of strategy today is no longer Trinitarian.
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We're not over. Working that world.
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And we have adopted a model of civil military relations designed to reflect that, designed effectively to exclude the people.
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In 1957, Sam Huntington wrote The Soldier and the State.
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It was a book designed to address the specific, specific problems within civil military relations for the United States in the era of the Cold War.
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In comparison with its earlier experiences, a major war, the US after 1945 did not simply demobilise and go back home.
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Instead, it maintained large armed forces in peacetime and that the Huntington introduced into the making a policy a significant
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new active one which might require an over mighty and preponderant influence in the United States of the Revolution.
396
00:48:24,380 --> 00:48:34,310
Of the War of Independence, like the France of 1789, had embraced what Huntington called subjective military control.
397
00:48:35,390 --> 00:48:43,370
The idea that the citizen soldier would, by virtue of his combination of civic rights and military obligations,
398
00:48:43,760 --> 00:48:52,400
become the symbol of a national will, and that politicised intent and military capability could be fused in one.
399
00:48:53,660 --> 00:48:57,889
The malicious central position in 18th century American political thought is,
400
00:48:57,890 --> 00:49:01,970
of course, the justification for the constitutional right to bear arms today.
401
00:49:03,860 --> 00:49:08,960
Instead, Huntington stressed what he called objective military control.
402
00:49:09,710 --> 00:49:12,890
The idea that armed forces are controlled by their governments.
403
00:49:14,150 --> 00:49:22,340
The focus here is not on the people, but on the relationship between elites, between the government and their chiefs of staff.
404
00:49:24,020 --> 00:49:26,870
This is the model of civil military relations,
405
00:49:27,290 --> 00:49:35,750
which required President Obama to sack General Stanley McChrystal in 2009 because he criticised the president's strategy in Afghanistan.
406
00:49:36,890 --> 00:49:40,970
And this in the United Kingdom is the model of civil military relations,
407
00:49:41,240 --> 00:49:47,300
which produced in 2010 a National Security Council, but a National Security Council,
408
00:49:47,510 --> 00:49:53,210
which is actually reluctant to engage in external consultation on national strategy and
409
00:49:53,420 --> 00:49:58,640
is reluctant to have a national debate about such issues as Trident and nuclear weapons,
410
00:49:59,210 --> 00:50:06,140
neither of which is currently intended to be included within the 2015 National Security Strategy.
411
00:50:09,140 --> 00:50:19,400
British views on the renewal of Trident are, according to opinion polls, just about equally divided, with a small majority in favour of having them.
412
00:50:20,000 --> 00:50:23,570
A small majority? I think I'm right in saying that of course these fluctuate.
413
00:50:23,780 --> 00:50:28,370
Even in Scotland. Although Nicola Sturgeon doesn't believe that's true.
414
00:50:29,810 --> 00:50:35,959
This has not stopped Alex Salmond arguing in a speech given on the 11th of September,
415
00:50:35,960 --> 00:50:43,340
just the other day that the unilateral UK government decision to renew Trident could be one of four conditions
416
00:50:43,520 --> 00:50:49,310
which would justify the Scottish Government in calling for a second referendum on Scottish independence.
417
00:50:51,200 --> 00:51:01,430
So the third largest party in today's UK Parliament, the SNP, is opposed to nuclear weapons and the second largest party, the Labour Party,
418
00:51:01,670 --> 00:51:10,040
is not caught in a debate on nuclear weapons also, although it seems as though it could resolve itself in terms of sticking to its current position.
419
00:51:10,520 --> 00:51:15,140
But it's causing debate by virtue of Jeremy Corbyn's election as its party leader.
420
00:51:16,130 --> 00:51:22,790
If both the second and third ranking parties in the country are concerned about the future of nuclear weapons,
421
00:51:23,000 --> 00:51:26,600
it seems to me very odd that we do not have a national debate about them.
422
00:51:27,860 --> 00:51:35,570
The public debate about deterrence in Britain today is frankly infantile, and it treats its publics as infants.
423
00:51:38,330 --> 00:51:43,190
Those in favour assert we do not know what threats may emerge in 50 years time.
424
00:51:44,330 --> 00:51:49,640
True, but a pretty hopeless argument if you're trying to explain the relevance of deterrence today.
425
00:51:50,990 --> 00:51:56,990
Those against nuclear weapons assert that nuclear weapons will not deter suicide bombers.
426
00:51:57,470 --> 00:52:02,180
That is also true, but is a pretty hopeless argument with regard to every other sort of threat.
427
00:52:03,470 --> 00:52:09,800
If the electorate of a democratic state is not implicated in the making of national strategy,
428
00:52:10,190 --> 00:52:14,990
it cannot be expected to identify with the objectives of that strategy.
429
00:52:16,680 --> 00:52:20,010
It's belief that soldiers are victims, not victims.
430
00:52:20,670 --> 00:52:28,950
The perception that it is as a society, casualty averse itself will themselves weaken deterrence.
431
00:52:31,390 --> 00:52:34,060
It inhibits national leaders from action.
432
00:52:35,320 --> 00:52:45,010
And if our opponents believe that there is no national appetite to use force, then our deterrence posture is itself built on sand.
433
00:52:46,630 --> 00:52:54,010
That, I would argue, is at least one conclusion President Putin drew after the Syria debate in August 2013,
434
00:52:54,820 --> 00:53:03,550
drawing a red line and then deciding that the red line had disappeared, created a permissive environment within which he could act.
435
00:53:05,350 --> 00:53:09,340
Since 2009 and the election of President Obama,
436
00:53:09,880 --> 00:53:17,320
we have seen the adoption of more limited means for waging what is still presented as a long war and even
437
00:53:17,320 --> 00:53:24,340
some respect in some respects still presented as a global war on terror instead of boots on the ground.
438
00:53:24,970 --> 00:53:34,210
Western democracies prefer a mix of air attacks and weaponized drones, supplemented by special forces and by training teams.
439
00:53:36,220 --> 00:53:42,310
The purpose of those training teams, of course, is to impart the necessary military skills to local proxies.
440
00:53:43,990 --> 00:53:47,740
This is a set of solutions which elevates means to end,
441
00:53:48,730 --> 00:53:56,770
which makes viable tactical options special forces, drones and so on into a strategy in its own right.
442
00:53:58,000 --> 00:54:06,040
One most visible today in northern Iraq and in Syria, but developed regionally in the context, of course, is Pakistan and of Yemen.
443
00:54:07,780 --> 00:54:12,640
The trouble is, it doesn't really seem to be working, of course.
444
00:54:16,430 --> 00:54:25,100
The of course, one reason that it doesn't work is because it fails to address the war among the people in Rupert's medicine.
445
00:54:26,480 --> 00:54:33,260
And now those people, as we all know, are leaving the theatre of war to come here to Europe and specifically,
446
00:54:33,260 --> 00:54:41,210
of course, some of them to the United Kingdom. But as importantly, it also does not work for the people at home,
447
00:54:41,570 --> 00:54:46,190
the people here in the United Kingdom, for our own population and for our electorates.
448
00:54:47,600 --> 00:54:50,810
And that is so, it seems to me, for four reasons.
449
00:54:52,430 --> 00:54:58,339
The first reason is this the articulation of the idea of limited war, because that,
450
00:54:58,340 --> 00:55:03,410
after all, is what we tend to be engaged in at the moment is totally inadequate.
451
00:55:04,580 --> 00:55:13,640
Western governments approved the means of limited war, but our national leaders do not embrace, at least overtly, a strategy of limited war.
452
00:55:13,910 --> 00:55:17,630
And so means and ends stand in direct contradiction to each other.
453
00:55:18,410 --> 00:55:21,140
Instead, they use the vocabulary of major war,
454
00:55:21,470 --> 00:55:33,830
which in turn carries the expectation or generates the expectation in the public mind that there will be an unequivocal and quick outcome to that war.
455
00:55:35,180 --> 00:55:43,100
Limited wars tend to end rather less satisfactorily and with rather less clear outcomes, even if they are waged successfully.
456
00:55:44,840 --> 00:55:56,480
The second reason is this In the Cold War, governments could engage in limited wars, often indeed using proxies or special forces,
457
00:55:57,530 --> 00:56:02,929
but could do so under the radar without the full consciousness of the public on his behalf.
458
00:56:02,930 --> 00:56:06,260
They were engaging those operations today.
459
00:56:06,530 --> 00:56:10,700
The change in digital communications or the development of digital communications,
460
00:56:10,700 --> 00:56:16,400
the mobilisation of mass media and so on, make this effectively impossible.
461
00:56:17,360 --> 00:56:20,720
The result is a paradox democratic governments,
462
00:56:21,110 --> 00:56:27,860
confronted with one of the most powerful agents for mass mobilisation and indeed precisely for democratisation,
463
00:56:28,280 --> 00:56:38,420
seemed to stand transfixed in the headlines. Headlines under the headlines probably too unable to embrace what is now called the strategic narrative,
464
00:56:39,530 --> 00:56:49,880
a narrative which extraordinarily is much more clearly articulated by the opponents of Western democracy, whether those opponents are Russia or ISIS.
465
00:56:51,920 --> 00:56:56,570
Thirdly, our model of civil military relations is broken.
466
00:56:57,740 --> 00:57:06,140
Subjective military control has to sit alongside objects of military control, not be relegated to the margins.
467
00:57:07,530 --> 00:57:13,319
Heads of state cannot have one conversation with their electorates saying the
468
00:57:13,320 --> 00:57:17,580
boys are coming home and a totally different one with their military advisers.
469
00:57:19,410 --> 00:57:28,350
The military, despite being professional forces, find themselves very often against their own wishes, much more in the public spotlight.
470
00:57:28,500 --> 00:57:34,140
And of course, here in this country, movements like Help for Heroes and so on have contributed to that.
471
00:57:34,800 --> 00:57:40,140
The result is they need to have their own conversation with the public so that the latter can
472
00:57:40,140 --> 00:57:47,640
understand better the challenges that face the armed forces and the considerations that drive strategy.
473
00:57:48,450 --> 00:57:55,800
A Trinitarian relationship assumes not only that all three components are participants in national strategy,
474
00:57:56,280 --> 00:58:01,170
but that all those three components can talk to each other in a three way relationship.
475
00:58:03,420 --> 00:58:09,690
And the fourth reason is this. For those of you who believe I can't be on three, I'm just about to prove that's not true.
476
00:58:10,770 --> 00:58:20,729
The fourth reason is this We have become bogged down partly through a proactive use of force in Kosovo in 1999,
477
00:58:20,730 --> 00:58:25,290
in Libya in 2011, as well as in Iraq and Afghanistan.
478
00:58:26,220 --> 00:58:37,650
We have become bogged down in a debate on strategy and democracy, which focus very largely on the initiation of war and not on its continuation.
479
00:58:38,070 --> 00:58:41,950
The debate is all about why do we go to war in the first place?
480
00:58:41,970 --> 00:58:45,210
And of course, that is a crucially important discussion to have.
481
00:58:46,930 --> 00:58:52,719
In the United States. The president is locked in an arm wrestle with Congress on exactly these issues.
482
00:58:52,720 --> 00:58:58,480
And the Constitution, of course, is designed to create that that wrestling match in the United Kingdom.
483
00:58:58,480 --> 00:59:07,300
We have no such constitutional constraints, but we have now come to believe that we cannot go to war without parliamentary approval.
484
00:59:09,490 --> 00:59:19,270
The Prime Minister, naturally enough, perhaps responding to the shadow of Iraq, acts as though if Parliament says no, he cannot act.
485
00:59:20,980 --> 00:59:25,840
The effect is further to weaken the deterrent capacity of democratic states,
486
00:59:26,530 --> 00:59:33,670
both because it makes it hard for the head of state to act and act with speed, which he may often have to do.
487
00:59:34,270 --> 00:59:44,170
And also because of course, it creates another element in the state which is uncertain and which putative opponents recognise.
488
00:59:46,360 --> 00:59:54,490
Now those four reasons are of course challenges to the strategy democracy nexus,
489
00:59:55,510 --> 01:00:07,150
but they also carry their own implicit solutions a coherence approach to limited war, a more effective management of media and communications,
490
01:00:07,810 --> 01:00:10,840
a more sophisticated system of civil military relations,
491
01:00:12,130 --> 01:00:20,680
and a readiness to accept the Congress and Parliament are acting as strategic inquisitors, which very often they are.
492
01:00:21,550 --> 01:00:29,260
All those might produce fresh approaches, but to open the door to better making,
493
01:00:29,620 --> 01:00:35,980
to the better making of strategy, and to the better making of strategy in democratic states in the 21st century.
494
01:00:37,150 --> 01:00:37,930
Thank you very much.
00:00:00,060 --> 00:00:03,570
First of all, a very warm welcome to all of you.
2
00:00:04,680 --> 00:00:15,720
We all know why we're here, I think. But I just wanted to say just a few words of welcome to you and thank you to all of you for coming.
3
00:00:16,470 --> 00:00:21,210
I want to thank particularly one or two individuals and organisations.
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00:00:22,140 --> 00:00:30,600
The first not withstanding is the other Norwegians who have very generously supported financially in this particular event.
5
00:00:31,530 --> 00:00:34,680
And we are very grateful for you for that support.
6
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There's also some unsung heroes, not least Ruth, Jeanette, Rosemary Oliver.
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00:00:43,650 --> 00:00:48,719
You may not realise just how much effort has gone in behind the scenes to get all
8
00:00:48,720 --> 00:00:52,500
of you in the right place at the right time and to make this event take place.
9
00:00:52,510 --> 00:00:56,670
And I just want to say thank you very much indeed for your work.
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00:00:57,900 --> 00:01:13,650
The we have been through a period of significant conflict and it's our interest at the moment has been very much on civil military relations.
11
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And I think that the emphasis of that is almost invariably on what the elites do.
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Governments talk to senior military, naval and air personnel and equally what advice they give back.
13
00:01:29,700 --> 00:01:35,759
But one of the things that's made Hugh Strong so different from the discussion we've had in the past,
14
00:01:35,760 --> 00:01:43,770
and that subject is really his insistence that we involve the other elements of the Trinity,
15
00:01:44,610 --> 00:01:54,480
the people, that there should be a public dialogue about defence, about security, about the native structure and about decision making.
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00:01:55,020 --> 00:02:01,080
It is perhaps to our regret, so all of us, that the Chilcot inquiry has not yet been published.
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I think we are always in an interest to see what that's produced.
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But the fact that you are here and we are having a public discussion me is wonderful and the fact that we have huge speaking on it this evening.
19
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So thank you very much indeed. Professor said he thought I had to hand it to you.
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Rob, thank you very much. And, of course, I'm just thank all those that you've also thanked for making this possible.
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It is actually truly wonderful to see so many friends.
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Some are very longstanding indeed. Some of you know, things that I probably don't want you to repeat in our current context.
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And some of you, I hope, are not that old friends and therefore see me as the more respectable citizen, at least some of the time.
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00:03:03,420 --> 00:03:08,040
It is. I hear the echo. Let me just say the acoustics.
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00:03:08,040 --> 00:03:16,989
Okay. I think we we had Dave Petraeus change actual program, had Dave Petraeus here giving a lecture last year or he wasn't a lecture.
26
00:03:16,990 --> 00:03:20,220
It was a conversation with Nick Parker. And I said, it is a debating chamber.
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It must be okay to do it without any assistance on the audio side.
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And then afterwards, Paul Roof got a barrage of emails from people saying they couldn't hear.
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So this is erring on the side of caution. What I want to say and Rob Trail, it is a bit about strategy in democracy.
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I have to say I chose the title when Ali Ibrahim is said to me, What's your title?
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I said, No strategy in democracy. I said, I thought about it rather more recently.
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But I think, as Rob said, it is something which I feel one way or another has been close to my intellectual interests.
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And I want to begin with something that also reflects what I never expected to be doing when I came to Oxford in the end of 2001, beginning 2002.
34
00:04:12,000 --> 00:04:21,660
And that is talk about a visit to Afghanistan in June 2012 on the anniversary of Waterloo on the 18th of June.
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I went with a group of other academics and policy wonks and so on,
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from NATO member states to Kabul University to meet a class of law and politics students.
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00:04:34,860 --> 00:04:40,730
And naively, we had imagined that with the election of President Karzai or not his election sorry,
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00:04:40,920 --> 00:04:45,970
the election of his successor on the agenda, that that was what we were going to talk about.
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00:04:45,990 --> 00:04:51,870
Indeed, I was rather looking forward to hearing what they would say about President Karzai's succession.
40
00:04:53,370 --> 00:04:58,200
In practice, the Afghans wanted to talk about the security position,
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about NATO's ongoing commitment to Afghanistan, and about the problems of Taliban safe havens in Pakistan.
42
00:05:07,890 --> 00:05:18,630
One particularly outraged, huge referred to President Obama's visit to Kabul just over six weeks previously on the 1st of May 2012.
43
00:05:19,470 --> 00:05:23,430
The President and the President of Afghanistan, Karzai,
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had signed the enduring strategic partnership between the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the United States of America.
45
00:05:33,090 --> 00:05:44,760
The agreement included arrangements for a long term security partnership and for the possibility of U.S. forces remaining in Afghanistan after 2014,
46
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as it said, for the purposes of training Afghan forces and targeting the remnants of al Qaeda.
47
00:05:53,700 --> 00:06:07,260
The agreement was trumpeted on Afghan television that day, both by Obama and by Karzai, but that agreement was not what agitated the Afghan students.
48
00:06:08,280 --> 00:06:13,380
What has outraged him was that in the early hours of the following morning,
49
00:06:13,680 --> 00:06:18,280
that was to say one minute passed for having just checked this on the Internet.
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00:06:18,300 --> 00:06:22,140
One minute, Miles, four in the morning, Afghan time.
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00:06:23,550 --> 00:06:30,570
President Obama had been on television again and on this occasion he had been speaking,
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00:06:30,570 --> 00:06:36,180
not the Afghan people, but to the people of the United States from Bagram Airbase.
53
00:06:37,320 --> 00:06:41,460
And he told the American people, our troops will be coming home.
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Both statements are, of course, compatible.
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00:06:46,770 --> 00:06:49,860
But for this Afghan, here was one voice.
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Earlier in the day, the previous day, saying the United States was saying and here was another voice saying, the United States are going.
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00:07:02,640 --> 00:07:06,810
Famously in 2005. General Sir Rupert Smith,
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00:07:06,990 --> 00:07:10,889
who's been a very good friend through changing character all program I'm sorry he can't be here
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00:07:10,890 --> 00:07:17,160
today wrote a book which he called The Futility of Force The Art of War in the Modern World,
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00:07:17,910 --> 00:07:22,290
in which he characterised today's wars as wars amongst the people.
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00:07:22,650 --> 00:07:29,130
There are moments when I read essays and dissertations which quote that which just make me feel, you know, let's move on.
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But it was a fair enough observation.
63
00:07:33,350 --> 00:07:38,120
In that it reflected his experience in Northern Ireland and in Bosnia.
64
00:07:38,690 --> 00:07:47,660
And of course when he wrote it he caught the emerging concerns of British and American soldiers in Iraq and in Afghanistan.
65
00:07:48,650 --> 00:07:57,260
They were engaged as armies in most counterinsurgency campaigns have been engaged in securing the loyalty of the local population.
66
00:07:58,340 --> 00:08:08,390
Wars amongst the people have characterised the operating environment in which armies have often and especially recently found themselves.
67
00:08:10,190 --> 00:08:16,220
My focus this evening is not with the operating environment but with the strategic context.
68
00:08:17,060 --> 00:08:22,940
What does war among the people means in the making of national strategy?
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00:08:24,000 --> 00:08:32,660
My concern is not so much with the capacity, but the loyalties of people caught in the crossfire of a combat zone.
70
00:08:33,530 --> 00:08:39,230
But with the role of peoples in mature democracies, in the formation of strategic decisions.
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00:08:40,940 --> 00:08:48,740
In May 2012, President Obama gave one message to the people of Afghanistan and another to the people of the United States.
72
00:08:49,910 --> 00:08:58,130
He told each what he thought they wanted to hear, and in the process he caused confusion and disarray.
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00:08:59,900 --> 00:09:08,690
He's not alone. Our own Prime Minister, David Cameron, said in 2010 that Britain would end its war in Afghanistan by 2015.
74
00:09:08,900 --> 00:09:15,229
Of course we ended it formally just before that and went on to explain that he had set a
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00:09:15,230 --> 00:09:21,650
clear withdrawal date because the British people expected it and they were right to do so.
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00:09:23,120 --> 00:09:27,649
He said nothing about the objectives of the United Kingdom and the United Kingdom's government
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00:09:27,650 --> 00:09:33,470
within Afghanistan or the potential consequences of the timing for the Afghan people,
78
00:09:33,920 --> 00:09:39,140
or what a desirable outcome might look like for the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
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00:09:41,740 --> 00:09:45,970
Both the president of the United States and the prime minister of the United Kingdom
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00:09:46,210 --> 00:09:51,700
were effectively treating their electorates as partners in the decision making process.
81
00:09:53,200 --> 00:10:01,570
That, for me is much more significant in the making of strategy than waging wars amongst the people in the latter.
82
00:10:01,870 --> 00:10:06,820
The people are treated as the passive objects of influence in the former.
83
00:10:07,090 --> 00:10:10,360
They become active participants in the formation of policy.
84
00:10:13,000 --> 00:10:18,070
But as President Obama's mixed message on the 1st of May 2012 showed,
85
00:10:18,670 --> 00:10:25,180
the people in the face of war and the people at home are not so easily separated,
86
00:10:26,080 --> 00:10:30,580
especially if we follow the cliché which we don't seem to be able to avoid,
87
00:10:31,210 --> 00:10:35,620
and of which we are so often reminded that we live in an interconnected world,
88
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a world in which the transmission of news lies no longer in the hands of professional journalists, or can be so easily managed by governments.
89
00:10:48,130 --> 00:10:55,660
Today, the message given in the theatre of operations cannot in practice diverge from that given at
90
00:10:55,660 --> 00:11:03,400
home without running the risk of inconsistency at best and direct self-contradiction at worst.
91
00:11:04,750 --> 00:11:09,970
Both Obama and Cameron chose deadlines for the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan,
92
00:11:10,300 --> 00:11:15,370
which bore less relationship to the possible situation in Afghanistan,
93
00:11:15,790 --> 00:11:22,330
and much more to the political and electoral situations within the United States and the United Kingdom.
94
00:11:23,530 --> 00:11:27,750
Do I need to move this thing down of it? I can hear, you know, better.
95
00:11:28,990 --> 00:11:32,140
Good. I'm getting a note from Audrey, so must be all right.
96
00:11:33,730 --> 00:11:44,440
Their objectives were defined less in terms of identifiable objectives within Afghanistan and more in terms of what came to be called exit strategies.
97
00:11:45,490 --> 00:11:52,990
Exits are not strategies. Exits are perhaps means or possibly ways, but they're certainly not ends.
98
00:11:55,240 --> 00:11:58,750
But by admitting the role of democracy in strategy,
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the leaders of democratic states have put themselves between a rock and a hard place in order to explain
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to their nation why their own forces are engaged in faraway places of which their peoples know little.
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They used the vocabulary of mass mobilisation borrowed from the Second World War.
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They are ready to let these wars be called wars of choice, but they use vocabulary which suggests they are wars of necessity.
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To be fair to President Obama, he has been much more circumspect in this regard than George W Bush was.
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He was only too happy to cite Pearl Harbour after the 911 attacks.
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And, of course, Tony Blair compared the potential appeasement of Saddam Hussein with the appeasement of Adolf Hitler.
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But the consequence of Obama's circumspection has been a reputation for indecision, for lack of clarity,
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and for a failure to provide the strategic leadership required not just by the United States, but by NATO and the West as a whole.
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The alternative is no better. As David Cameron's record shows, three times as prime minister.
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He has spoken of an existential conflict of a generational war or of direct threats to the British way of life.
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In 2011 over Libya, in January 2013, over the Al Qaeda attack on the BP gas installation in Algeria and in June 2015,
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most recently, of course, of the ice inspired attack on British citizens in Sousse in Tunisia.
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What his words exposed is the gap between the rhetoric and his intent.
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He speaks big, but does little for a people engaged in so many existential wars simultaneously.
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You will look remarkably comfortable and secure, remarkably at peace and remarkably unconcerned.
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And in that, you reflect most of British society.
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The effect of democracy on strategic decision making seems to be that national leaders have to overpromise and then
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under-deliver or overdramatise and then underperform when they should be under promising and over delivering.
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If substance matched rhetoric, Britain will be doing much more than committing 2% of its GDP to defence.
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If indeed it is committing that, CDSs will probably put me right on whether I've got that right or not.
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There is a conundrum here. Democratic leaders are under pressure to hype the threat precisely because their electorates don't feel threatened.
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And yet, the more they do so, the less convinced the public seem to be.
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Gordon Brown, as prime minister, explained the war in Afghanistan in terms related to domestic security.
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He said British troops were fighting, killing and dying in Helmand to keep the streets of London safe.
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But the public was not convinced and nor were many of the soldiers.
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Democracy has so associated itself with material and personal security,
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with the functioning of liberal capitalism, that it has divorced itself from war.
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The identity of the state itself is weakened by its reliance on supranational organisations like the EU,
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NATO and the United Nations and by its passing of what used to be state functions to private companies or to multinational corporations.
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This process applies even within defence. With the growth of private military companies.
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Democracy has become associated with peace, not with war.
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Democracies are characterised as risk and casualty averse, and they are seen as reluctant to be taxed in order to provide funds for national security.
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Underpinning this set of assumptions is the master narrative of the democratic peace.
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In 1989, Jack Levi wrote that, to quote him,
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The absence of war between democracies comes as close as anything we have to an empirical law in international relations.
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The belief in democratic peace argues that democracies rarely go to war with one another and that that is a consequence of the character of democracy.
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Of course, democratic peace theory does not rule out the probability or possibility of democracies fighting non democracies.
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But that in itself raises the question of what a democracy is and what is not a democracy.
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In 1914 and I got it right from the First World War, of course.
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In 1914, Britain had the lowest level of male suffrage of any of the belligerents, original belligerents except Hungary.
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About 60% of British males aged over 21 had the vote.
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In Germany, every male was able to vote.
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Even states that political scientists would classify as non democracies are not necessarily states without mass participation.
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A point. True. Not just as Germany in the First World War, but also of Germany in the Second World War.
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The assumption that things are otherwise is a product of the master narrative of liberalism, an inheritor of the weakened view of history,
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and an assumption that liberal democracy will produce not just domestic but also international harmony.
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Its logical corollary is that democracies find it hard to make war.
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There is, after all, in many minds, an inherent tension between the words I have chosen for my title this evening.
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Strategy and Democracy. Historically, this is absurd.
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From classical Athens to modern America. Democracies have waged war and done so through a participatory decision making system.
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Much of the city's history of the Peloponnesian War, I should say quickly, as I was leaving college just now,
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I saw Simon Hornblower as I was going out to Massachusetts to be in the eye.
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Well, I'm not this idiot in his.
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I thought I should stop and just check what I was going to say was okay, but I didn't have the time having left it too late.
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But I think the bit is pretty unexceptional. Much of the city's history of the Peloponnesian War is concerned with exactly this
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the problems of Athens as a democracy in waging war coherently and consistently.
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I'm not going to go back to ancient history.
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Instead, I'm going to begin this series of reflections with the Enlightenment and the 18th century.
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The idea of the Democratic piece, after all, takes its argument from Immanuel Kant essay on Perpetual Peace.
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Kant argued that republics would enjoy peace with other republics, and he wrote that in 1795,
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when Europe was still exploring the foothills of a series of wars which would last another 20 years,
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wars driven by the French Republic, fighting as it claimed for liberty, equality and fraternity against a league of absolute monarchies.
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Despite the horrors which the wars of the French Revolution brought to Europe,
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most French revolutionaries, at least in 1795, would not have disagreed with Kant.
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They, as they saw it, were waging war to bring perpetual peace.
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The reason that France found itself at war, they believed, was not the fault of France,
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but the fault of autocracies and absolute monarchies that failed to recognise the
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need to democratise the failed to recognise the need to give power to the people.
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But against this narrative ran a powerful alternative.
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The notion that democratisation was a tool for national mobilisation in a time of war.
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The French officer, the aristocratic and enlightened Kant to bear, first published his essay General The Tactic anonymously in 1770,
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but then under his own name in 1772 and in an English translation in 1781.
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Most of those who quote Quebecer do so by citing a passage which I too will quote partly because I want to come back to it later.
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Let us suppose in Europe be better, right?
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Let's suppose in Europe there was the spring of a vigorous people with genius with power and a happier form of government,
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a set of people that's a strict virtue. And the national soldiery joined a fixed plan of aggrandisement who never lost sight of that system,
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who knowing how to carry on the war with little expense and subsist by that conquests, was not reduce the necessity of laying down their arms.
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By the calculation of finances, Gilbert then proceeded to argue that for France,
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the first step to a successful exterior policy was domestic political reform.
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Interior politics, having thus prepared us things.
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He went on cable, went on with what facility external politics can resolve upon the system of her own
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interests in opposition to her foreign ones by the raising of a respect for military power.
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How easy it is, give our right to have armies invincible in a state where subjects are citizens, where they cherish and revere government,
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where they are fond of glory, where they are not intimidated at the idea of toiling for the general good.
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As an army officer, Gebauer was, of course, a servant of the king.
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But he dedicated his book not to Louis, but to my country.
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He included the king of France, his father, as he called him within that.
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But he also addressed the book to ministers, its administrators, that is,
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the administrators of France, to all ranks of the state, its members to the people, its children.
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He looked forward to the day when all its members would be united, as he put it, may the ruler and his subjects,
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the high and low degrees of the community, feel themselves honoured with the title of citizens.
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Quebecers died after a short illness on the 6th of May 1790.
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By then, the French Revolution had not reached its apogee in the terror in the terror,
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nor had the transformation of the French state yet revolutionised the structure of the French army by 1795.
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Those developments, both of them were much more obvious.
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Revolutionary France treated those who opposed the logic of its own position.
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Its completion of the revolution with universal principles took it to conclude its right,
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to conclude that its enemies were politically backward in the day.
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Catholic counterrevolutionary peasants were not treated as naive and well-educated,
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but as part of a conspiracy against the revolution and its government, they were treated instead, therefore,
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as political actors and about quarter of a million men,
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women and children for a quarter of the population of the modern day were exterminated by the revolutionary armies in 1793 1794.
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Captain Dupuy of the French Revolution armies wrote from the von Date and his sister in January 1794.
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Wherever we go, we are bringing fire and death.
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A sex. Nothing is being respected. Yesterday, one of our detachments burned a village.
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One volunteer killed three women with his own hands.
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It is atrocious, but. And this is the crux.
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But the safety of the republic demands imperatively part of that urgency related to the
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fact that revolutionary France faced an external threat as well as an internal one.
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It was simultaneously fighting the war of the first coalition against Britain, Austria and Prussia in 1797, a hanoverian serving in the Prussian army.
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The son of an NCO, Gerhart Scharnhorst,
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published his general reflections on the armies in the Revolutionary Wars and tried to provide some sort of explanation why
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the French Revolutionary Army had so surprised those of the old order and had formed with the fort with so much success.
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And his answer to that problem was that the French army had been transformed by the revolution, by the political impulse given to its army,
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as a result, by the identification of the soldier with the nation for scharnhorst as rather military reformers in the following decade and more.
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Citizenship created soldiers with a stake in the nation who were ready to fight and die because they had rights.
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Then with the soldiers, a pre 1789 monarchists in the wars against Napoleon Prussians were forced to sit on their hands
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between the end of that war to the first coalition in 1795 and the year in a campaign of 1806,
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and again to sit on their hands after the Treaty of Till said to be to 12th in 1808,
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beginning of 1808, and the war of so-called National Liberation in 1813.
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And the officers who were associated with Scharnhorst, including, of course, no Tanakh and Clausewitz,
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look to Spain and Italy for evidence of effective resistance against France.
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Resistance waged by guerrillas motivated as they saw it by national sentiment.
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Scharnhorst was a father figure to Clausewitz. And Clausewitz shared the frustration of his mentor and of knights.
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And together, they plotted a war of national liberation in defiance of the wishes of their own.
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King.
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In February 1812, Clausewitz sent a long three part memorandum to Nice Enough, which call on the German nation to wage a war of national liberation,
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mobilising the entire population, ready to use terror and prepare to die rather than to admit defeat.
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He specifically quoted an event going back to that first quotation from Baron, the most familiar one, even if, of course, being Clausewitz.
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He never acknowledged his sources. He called for a people with genius, with power, and a happy form of government.
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This was the clown prince who, when he wrote a book, chapter three of On War,
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identified the French Revolution as having put the state's mobilisation for war on a new and unprecedented level.
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To quote Michael Howard and Peter Praise translation suddenly war again.
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The last time had been Roman Republic.
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Suddenly, war again became the business of the people.
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The people of 30 millions, all of whom considered themselves to be citizens.
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The people became a participant in war instead of governments and armies as heretofore.
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The full weight of the nation as heretofore, the full weight of the nation was thrown into the balance.
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Clausewitz was clear about what had happened, and the question for him was whether that would be the pattern in the future from now on.
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He asked,
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Will every war in Europe we waged with the full resources of the state and therefore have to be fought only over major issues that affect the people?
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Or shall we again see a gradual separation taking place between government and people?
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Clausewitz was clear about the enormous contribution the heart and temper of a nation can make to the sum total of its political of of its politics,
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of its politics, its war potential, and its fighting strength.
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Robb's already referred to the Clausewitz in Trinity, and this is where the Trinity fits in, in book one of On War.
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Clausewitz described war as being made up of three parts passion, the play probability and chance and reason.
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He then associated each of those qualities with three particular groups of actors, with the passion, with people,
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the player, probability and chance, with the army and its commanders, and reason with the government.
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But he also made absolutely clear in a way which for too many modern, which only a way which too many modern readers neglect,
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that those relations, the relations between those three component parts over the primary trinity of the secondary trinity were not fixed.
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He did not rule out a people that was passionate and rational.
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Indeed, much else that he wrote about 19th century warfare was conditioned on the realisation that
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European civilisation did not preclude the need to abandon moderation and embrace terror.
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Nor is the relationship between war and policy fixed in the Trinity.
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It too can fluctuate with the rational elements of policy of most by passion or by the contingencies of the battlefield.
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The problem with recent largely, predominantly Anglophone readings of John War is this determination to wrest it
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within a view of strategy that sees a linear relationship between policy and war,
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and an elite relationship between generals and politicians in the making of strategy and the making of strategy,
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which then excludes the people, the roles of the people, and possibly the passion becomes subordinated.
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To be fair, after the defeat from Napoleon, Clausewitz could be seen as colluding in this process.
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The French Revolution was seen to have wrought war protracted, destructive, and to use a neologism total to Europe.
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Preventing revolution could prevent war.
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And so separating revolution from war and war from revolution was high on the list of most monarchs when they met at Vienna in 1815.
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One of them was Friedrich Wilhelm, the third of Prussia, whose authority Clausewitz,
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had so directly challenged 1812 by appealing to the German nation rather than to the Prussian king,
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and by then resigning from the Prussian army and from the Royal Service.
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To serve in the army of Russia. By 1819, Clausewitz knew which side his bread was buttered if he wanted a job.
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And he realised that if he required and depended on preferment in post-war Prussia, he better moderate his proposals for military reform,
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specifically his proposals for the reform of the land that carried directly political implications.
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And said something about some small form of implicit citizenship.
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So the idealistic conflation of citizenship and military service of political awareness
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and the defence of the nation was moderated after 1815 and not just in Prussia.
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Armies became less instruments for national mobilisation and more tools of counterrevolutionary domestic order.
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The debate about democratisation of war became one bound up, above all, with the idea of the nation and arms of military service in its terms.
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And conscription became less a manifestation of liberation and political awareness.
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The full idealist idealised form it had had in the 1790s, and now more a mechanism for social control, broadly speaking.
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In 1848, armies remained loyal to their governments.
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By 1914, mass armies could be raised without too much attention being paid to the corollary that they
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should see themselves as politically aware partners in the making of national strategy.
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The debate hadn't gone away. Of course, it remained vibrant in France, not least thanks to John Jeu, as is La Nouvelle,
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and with socialists, of course, arguing that citizen soldiers would fight purely defensive wars.
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But in 1916, Britain could introduce conscription without simultaneously adopting universal military male suffrage.
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In 19 1718, Britain, France and Germany all addressed the issue of political education in their armed forces,
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believing it was important to reduce motivated bodies of men.
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But in none of them was that programme adequately fulfilled.
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Even in revolutionary Russia,
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where of course there were advocates for soldiers who should be political or work politically aware, most evidently frenzy.
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There were others who said professional qualifications to trump political ones, and for that reason,
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Trotsky argued that Tsarist officers should be included within the Revolutionary Army and in Germany at the war's end.
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Because Mikhail Geier has written Ludendorff called in October for national mobilisation for a nation in arms,
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but it remained an idea in embryo which others turned against and which indeed contributed to the loss of respect,
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which ludendorff experienced that in the period leading up to the armistice.
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I am not suggesting that the First World War ended the idea of the political but politicised soldier.
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The men who would fight because they were committed to a set of over arching values were still there.
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In the Second World War.
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Both the Weimar, as it's understood by Omer Berkoff at any rate, and the Soviet army would stress the value systems for which they fought.
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And as in the First World War, the armies of Western democracies again established programs of political education.
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But something much more profound began to happen, at least in the ideas of these Western democracies.
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Those who were motivated for political reasons to fight were more often seen to be insurgents, radicals and revolutionaries.
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The First World War changed the relationship of established democratic paths to revolution and its place within war.
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Popular mobilisation and political awareness, universal suffrage and a mass popular press made the people full participants in the war.
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But it also made the commitment of the people itself to the war and to the state a potential source of weakness in the Napoleonic Wars.
302
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Revolution had led to war in the First World War.
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War led to revolution. That was, of course, a fear which many national leaders expressed in July 1914 itself, including strip of grey in this country.
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Bettmann holding in Germany and Tsar Nicholas in Russia.
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Once the war broke out, Germany aimed to export revolution to the empires of its enemies to Britain, France and Russia.
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But it did so not just in a colonial context, but also in Dublin and ultimately in Petrograd.
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Britain did the same exporting revolution to the Ottoman Empire,
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and in 19 1718 the Allies were ready to promote revolution also within Germany and Austria-Hungary.
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Democracy has become a source of vulnerability as well as a strength.
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It was no longer just about its capacity for mass mobilisation, but also potentially a source of introspection and domestic concern.
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After Britain's after 1918, Britain's blockade of Germany became rationalised as the instrument that had persuaded the German
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people to turn against their Kaiser and to overthrow that government in the final stages of the war.
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In 1930 940. Britain planned to repeat the act to use economic warfare once more.
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But with the overrunning of most of Europe, that was no longer a possibility.
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Instead, by the winter of 1940 142, the strategic bombing offensive had been fashioned into an instrument designed to target German civilian morale.
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As Thomas Hitler shown in his study of doing the ideas of strategic bombing into his hands through their
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origins precisely from to raise awareness of the relationship between citizenship and modern war,
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and his readiness to argue that citizens were actually responsible political actors who were therefore regarded as potential targets.
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In 1944, after D-Day, Allied Intelligence was searching for the signs of another German stab in the back of another coup against Hitler.
320
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And on the basis of that, we're expecting the war to end by the by December 1944.
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Of course, in the Western narrative, their own populations were robust and loyal.
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It was the populations of authoritarian regimes which were vulnerable and fickle.
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The presumption here was that the offer of democratisation would call for people to
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turn against their own autocratic leaders and embrace support for their invaders.
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A presumption put to the test.
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Most recently, of course, in the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and found wanting, just as it was found wanting in Germany in 1940 445.
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Between 1945 and the end of the Cold War,
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the Western democracies did not have to engage with the role of the people in the making of strategy at any sustained and serious level.
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Their armed forces were actively engaged in the wars, fought as part of the withdrawal from Empire.
330
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The promoters of democracy were colonial resistance movements, not the powers of Europe or the United States.
331
00:40:22,730 --> 00:40:24,320
Students of my generation,
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I went up in May 68 know didn't go the nation state that my generation all maintained they'd been on the barricades in May 68.
333
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I went up in October 68. Students of my generation all read Frantz Fanon's Wretched of the Earth.
334
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No, not all of them. Some less, and put posters of Che Guevara on their walls.
335
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These were the icons of the enemy, not of the constituent elements of the Trinity in the making of national strategy and at home.
336
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Nuclear weapons made the people potential targets of attack as they have been in the Second World War.
337
00:41:03,020 --> 00:41:07,850
But they were now perpetually bombed as hostages to deterrence.
338
00:41:08,990 --> 00:41:15,530
They became passive pawns more than potentially active participants whose loyalties
339
00:41:15,710 --> 00:41:22,310
might be affected when they protested against their role in the nexus of deterrence,
340
00:41:22,670 --> 00:41:28,940
as they did in some cases through the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament or through opposition to cruise missiles.
341
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They were identified with subversive influences, with the influences of the putative enemy seen as weakening the state.
342
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Not strengthening nuclear weapons had the effect of demobilising the democratic strength of Western governments.
343
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And they did so in two more direct ways.
344
00:41:53,360 --> 00:42:00,860
The first way in which they did so was that nuclear weapons acted as one element in the swing away from the mass army,
345
00:42:01,610 --> 00:42:12,800
a process directly linked here in Britain because the Sands White Paper of 1957 simultaneously embraced nuclear deterrence and rejected conscription.
346
00:42:13,880 --> 00:42:18,380
Other states did not do it quite so explicitly and did it much more slowly.
347
00:42:19,370 --> 00:42:23,530
But think where France the. Home of the nation at arms.
348
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The sponsor, if you like, above all of the citizen soldier, think where France is today.
349
00:42:31,840 --> 00:42:38,680
Nearly two decades on, from its own decision to abandon conscription and to embrace the idea of the professional army.
350
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Democracies no longer presume that going to war will require the active participation of their citizens as a body.
351
00:42:50,560 --> 00:42:58,600
And the second way in which nuclear weapons were attractive or had an effect in terms that they were attractive for this reason,
352
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but they also had an effect in demobilising democracy was that nuclear weapons were cheap option.
353
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This is all comparative.
354
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Of course, they were a way of maintaining a major military option after containable cost while not engaging in active hostilities.
355
00:43:19,360 --> 00:43:24,160
And the challenge of the Cold War was how to maintain a large military establishment
356
00:43:25,330 --> 00:43:30,970
while not actually fighting a major war to justify that large military establishment.
357
00:43:31,600 --> 00:43:36,400
Nuclear the beauty of nuclear weapons was that you were able to square that particular circle.
358
00:43:37,660 --> 00:43:48,010
But the corollary of that was that you maintained a large military establishment and comparatively low cost, relatively in the 19th century.
359
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Both Sir Robert Peel as a as a peacetime prime minister and his and even if another party, William Ewart Gladstone,
360
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had argued that income tax introduced of course originally in Britain as a war tax during the Napoleonic wars,
361
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would inhibit Britain's appetite for war. They argue that if Britain went to war,
362
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the rate of income tax would have to go up and that would actually give Parliament
363
00:44:18,700 --> 00:44:22,930
pause and might actually need it to reflect on the wisdom of doing this.
364
00:44:24,670 --> 00:44:31,870
The corollary of that was that taxation was a form of wider participation in the decision making process,
365
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which we all will require if going to war forced up the rate of income tax.
366
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Then there had to be a parliamentary debate about income tax as well as about going to war.
367
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And indeed,
368
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the argument about income tax will be rather more vociferous and rather more central to the running of the state than that of going to war.
369
00:44:52,780 --> 00:45:01,659
That relationship between the cost of war and the decision to embrace it was weakened during the Cold
370
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War by that reliance on nuclear weapons and seems to me to be have been almost completely broken.
371
00:45:09,460 --> 00:45:17,410
After 2003, one of the most remarkable aspects of the wars waged by Western democracies
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since 911 is that they are effectively presented to their publics as cost free.
373
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Joseph Stiglitz and Linda Bilmes made this point in relation to the United States in their book, The $3 Trillion War.
374
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3 trillion was then their estimate of the eventual overall costs, including indirect costs, including medical costs,
375
00:45:40,660 --> 00:45:48,460
including opportunity costs, including interest payments for the United States of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
376
00:45:50,110 --> 00:45:55,090
The point they were making could apply equally well in the United Kingdom.
377
00:45:55,330 --> 00:46:00,580
We don't actually know what the cost of our participation in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan
378
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will turn out to be because we're still living with those costs and we're still absorbing them.
379
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Many of them incurred indirectly. Neither Tony Blair nor Gordon Brown mobilised the people of Britain for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan,
380
00:46:15,280 --> 00:46:21,040
and a particularly did not mobilise them for the war in Iraq in 2003 by asking them to fund
381
00:46:21,040 --> 00:46:26,380
Britain's military effort through increased taxation all through that incredibly fashionable word,
382
00:46:26,620 --> 00:46:36,100
austerity. Instead, the democracies hid the costs of war and struggled to answer direct questions designed to elicit them.
383
00:46:37,960 --> 00:46:41,640
When the economic crash came in 2008 nine.
384
00:46:42,100 --> 00:46:50,350
Nobody suggested that the waging the protracted war had any role in creating national deficits or in causing the crash.
385
00:46:51,310 --> 00:46:56,080
I'm not suggesting they did, but it still seems to me remarkable that nobody made the links,
386
00:46:58,480 --> 00:47:04,210
both directly and indirectly, that for the place of democracy in the making of strategy,
387
00:47:04,750 --> 00:47:13,930
through the active participation of the citizen soldier all through the enduring contribution of the enfranchised taxpayer has become marginalised.
388
00:47:15,640 --> 00:47:20,920
The effect is that the making of strategy today is no longer Trinitarian.
389
00:47:21,430 --> 00:47:23,500
We're not over. Working that world.
390
00:47:25,280 --> 00:47:33,770
And we have adopted a model of civil military relations designed to reflect that, designed effectively to exclude the people.
391
00:47:35,690 --> 00:47:40,080
In 1957, Sam Huntington wrote The Soldier and the State.
392
00:47:41,420 --> 00:47:50,330
It was a book designed to address the specific, specific problems within civil military relations for the United States in the era of the Cold War.
393
00:47:51,380 --> 00:48:01,220
In comparison with its earlier experiences, a major war, the US after 1945 did not simply demobilise and go back home.
394
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Instead, it maintained large armed forces in peacetime and that the Huntington introduced into the making a policy a significant
395
00:48:12,320 --> 00:48:23,150
new active one which might require an over mighty and preponderant influence in the United States of the Revolution.
396
00:48:24,380 --> 00:48:34,310
Of the War of Independence, like the France of 1789, had embraced what Huntington called subjective military control.
397
00:48:35,390 --> 00:48:43,370
The idea that the citizen soldier would, by virtue of his combination of civic rights and military obligations,
398
00:48:43,760 --> 00:48:52,400
become the symbol of a national will, and that politicised intent and military capability could be fused in one.
399
00:48:53,660 --> 00:48:57,889
The malicious central position in 18th century American political thought is,
400
00:48:57,890 --> 00:49:01,970
of course, the justification for the constitutional right to bear arms today.
401
00:49:03,860 --> 00:49:08,960
Instead, Huntington stressed what he called objective military control.
402
00:49:09,710 --> 00:49:12,890
The idea that armed forces are controlled by their governments.
403
00:49:14,150 --> 00:49:22,340
The focus here is not on the people, but on the relationship between elites, between the government and their chiefs of staff.
404
00:49:24,020 --> 00:49:26,870
This is the model of civil military relations,
405
00:49:27,290 --> 00:49:35,750
which required President Obama to sack General Stanley McChrystal in 2009 because he criticised the president's strategy in Afghanistan.
406
00:49:36,890 --> 00:49:40,970
And this in the United Kingdom is the model of civil military relations,
407
00:49:41,240 --> 00:49:47,300
which produced in 2010 a National Security Council, but a National Security Council,
408
00:49:47,510 --> 00:49:53,210
which is actually reluctant to engage in external consultation on national strategy and
409
00:49:53,420 --> 00:49:58,640
is reluctant to have a national debate about such issues as Trident and nuclear weapons,
410
00:49:59,210 --> 00:50:06,140
neither of which is currently intended to be included within the 2015 National Security Strategy.
411
00:50:09,140 --> 00:50:19,400
British views on the renewal of Trident are, according to opinion polls, just about equally divided, with a small majority in favour of having them.
412
00:50:20,000 --> 00:50:23,570
A small majority? I think I'm right in saying that of course these fluctuate.
413
00:50:23,780 --> 00:50:28,370
Even in Scotland. Although Nicola Sturgeon doesn't believe that's true.
414
00:50:29,810 --> 00:50:35,959
This has not stopped Alex Salmond arguing in a speech given on the 11th of September,
415
00:50:35,960 --> 00:50:43,340
just the other day that the unilateral UK government decision to renew Trident could be one of four conditions
416
00:50:43,520 --> 00:50:49,310
which would justify the Scottish Government in calling for a second referendum on Scottish independence.
417
00:50:51,200 --> 00:51:01,430
So the third largest party in today's UK Parliament, the SNP, is opposed to nuclear weapons and the second largest party, the Labour Party,
418
00:51:01,670 --> 00:51:10,040
is not caught in a debate on nuclear weapons also, although it seems as though it could resolve itself in terms of sticking to its current position.
419
00:51:10,520 --> 00:51:15,140
But it's causing debate by virtue of Jeremy Corbyn's election as its party leader.
420
00:51:16,130 --> 00:51:22,790
If both the second and third ranking parties in the country are concerned about the future of nuclear weapons,
421
00:51:23,000 --> 00:51:26,600
it seems to me very odd that we do not have a national debate about them.
422
00:51:27,860 --> 00:51:35,570
The public debate about deterrence in Britain today is frankly infantile, and it treats its publics as infants.
423
00:51:38,330 --> 00:51:43,190
Those in favour assert we do not know what threats may emerge in 50 years time.
424
00:51:44,330 --> 00:51:49,640
True, but a pretty hopeless argument if you're trying to explain the relevance of deterrence today.
425
00:51:50,990 --> 00:51:56,990
Those against nuclear weapons assert that nuclear weapons will not deter suicide bombers.
426
00:51:57,470 --> 00:52:02,180
That is also true, but is a pretty hopeless argument with regard to every other sort of threat.
427
00:52:03,470 --> 00:52:09,800
If the electorate of a democratic state is not implicated in the making of national strategy,
428
00:52:10,190 --> 00:52:14,990
it cannot be expected to identify with the objectives of that strategy.
429
00:52:16,680 --> 00:52:20,010
It's belief that soldiers are victims, not victims.
430
00:52:20,670 --> 00:52:28,950
The perception that it is as a society, casualty averse itself will themselves weaken deterrence.
431
00:52:31,390 --> 00:52:34,060
It inhibits national leaders from action.
432
00:52:35,320 --> 00:52:45,010
And if our opponents believe that there is no national appetite to use force, then our deterrence posture is itself built on sand.
433
00:52:46,630 --> 00:52:54,010
That, I would argue, is at least one conclusion President Putin drew after the Syria debate in August 2013,
434
00:52:54,820 --> 00:53:03,550
drawing a red line and then deciding that the red line had disappeared, created a permissive environment within which he could act.
435
00:53:05,350 --> 00:53:09,340
Since 2009 and the election of President Obama,
436
00:53:09,880 --> 00:53:17,320
we have seen the adoption of more limited means for waging what is still presented as a long war and even
437
00:53:17,320 --> 00:53:24,340
some respect in some respects still presented as a global war on terror instead of boots on the ground.
438
00:53:24,970 --> 00:53:34,210
Western democracies prefer a mix of air attacks and weaponized drones, supplemented by special forces and by training teams.
439
00:53:36,220 --> 00:53:42,310
The purpose of those training teams, of course, is to impart the necessary military skills to local proxies.
440
00:53:43,990 --> 00:53:47,740
This is a set of solutions which elevates means to end,
441
00:53:48,730 --> 00:53:56,770
which makes viable tactical options special forces, drones and so on into a strategy in its own right.
442
00:53:58,000 --> 00:54:06,040
One most visible today in northern Iraq and in Syria, but developed regionally in the context, of course, is Pakistan and of Yemen.
443
00:54:07,780 --> 00:54:12,640
The trouble is, it doesn't really seem to be working, of course.
444
00:54:16,430 --> 00:54:25,100
The of course, one reason that it doesn't work is because it fails to address the war among the people in Rupert's medicine.
445
00:54:26,480 --> 00:54:33,260
And now those people, as we all know, are leaving the theatre of war to come here to Europe and specifically,
446
00:54:33,260 --> 00:54:41,210
of course, some of them to the United Kingdom. But as importantly, it also does not work for the people at home,
447
00:54:41,570 --> 00:54:46,190
the people here in the United Kingdom, for our own population and for our electorates.
448
00:54:47,600 --> 00:54:50,810
And that is so, it seems to me, for four reasons.
449
00:54:52,430 --> 00:54:58,339
The first reason is this the articulation of the idea of limited war, because that,
450
00:54:58,340 --> 00:55:03,410
after all, is what we tend to be engaged in at the moment is totally inadequate.
451
00:55:04,580 --> 00:55:13,640
Western governments approved the means of limited war, but our national leaders do not embrace, at least overtly, a strategy of limited war.
452
00:55:13,910 --> 00:55:17,630
And so means and ends stand in direct contradiction to each other.
453
00:55:18,410 --> 00:55:21,140
Instead, they use the vocabulary of major war,
454
00:55:21,470 --> 00:55:33,830
which in turn carries the expectation or generates the expectation in the public mind that there will be an unequivocal and quick outcome to that war.
455
00:55:35,180 --> 00:55:43,100
Limited wars tend to end rather less satisfactorily and with rather less clear outcomes, even if they are waged successfully.
456
00:55:44,840 --> 00:55:56,480
The second reason is this In the Cold War, governments could engage in limited wars, often indeed using proxies or special forces,
457
00:55:57,530 --> 00:56:02,929
but could do so under the radar without the full consciousness of the public on his behalf.
458
00:56:02,930 --> 00:56:06,260
They were engaging those operations today.
459
00:56:06,530 --> 00:56:10,700
The change in digital communications or the development of digital communications,
460
00:56:10,700 --> 00:56:16,400
the mobilisation of mass media and so on, make this effectively impossible.
461
00:56:17,360 --> 00:56:20,720
The result is a paradox democratic governments,
462
00:56:21,110 --> 00:56:27,860
confronted with one of the most powerful agents for mass mobilisation and indeed precisely for democratisation,
463
00:56:28,280 --> 00:56:38,420
seemed to stand transfixed in the headlines. Headlines under the headlines probably too unable to embrace what is now called the strategic narrative,
464
00:56:39,530 --> 00:56:49,880
a narrative which extraordinarily is much more clearly articulated by the opponents of Western democracy, whether those opponents are Russia or ISIS.
465
00:56:51,920 --> 00:56:56,570
Thirdly, our model of civil military relations is broken.
466
00:56:57,740 --> 00:57:06,140
Subjective military control has to sit alongside objects of military control, not be relegated to the margins.
467
00:57:07,530 --> 00:57:13,319
Heads of state cannot have one conversation with their electorates saying the
468
00:57:13,320 --> 00:57:17,580
boys are coming home and a totally different one with their military advisers.
469
00:57:19,410 --> 00:57:28,350
The military, despite being professional forces, find themselves very often against their own wishes, much more in the public spotlight.
470
00:57:28,500 --> 00:57:34,140
And of course, here in this country, movements like Help for Heroes and so on have contributed to that.
471
00:57:34,800 --> 00:57:40,140
The result is they need to have their own conversation with the public so that the latter can
472
00:57:40,140 --> 00:57:47,640
understand better the challenges that face the armed forces and the considerations that drive strategy.
473
00:57:48,450 --> 00:57:55,800
A Trinitarian relationship assumes not only that all three components are participants in national strategy,
474
00:57:56,280 --> 00:58:01,170
but that all those three components can talk to each other in a three way relationship.
475
00:58:03,420 --> 00:58:09,690
And the fourth reason is this. For those of you who believe I can't be on three, I'm just about to prove that's not true.
476
00:58:10,770 --> 00:58:20,729
The fourth reason is this We have become bogged down partly through a proactive use of force in Kosovo in 1999,
477
00:58:20,730 --> 00:58:25,290
in Libya in 2011, as well as in Iraq and Afghanistan.
478
00:58:26,220 --> 00:58:37,650
We have become bogged down in a debate on strategy and democracy, which focus very largely on the initiation of war and not on its continuation.
479
00:58:38,070 --> 00:58:41,950
The debate is all about why do we go to war in the first place?
480
00:58:41,970 --> 00:58:45,210
And of course, that is a crucially important discussion to have.
481
00:58:46,930 --> 00:58:52,719
In the United States. The president is locked in an arm wrestle with Congress on exactly these issues.
482
00:58:52,720 --> 00:58:58,480
And the Constitution, of course, is designed to create that that wrestling match in the United Kingdom.
483
00:58:58,480 --> 00:59:07,300
We have no such constitutional constraints, but we have now come to believe that we cannot go to war without parliamentary approval.
484
00:59:09,490 --> 00:59:19,270
The Prime Minister, naturally enough, perhaps responding to the shadow of Iraq, acts as though if Parliament says no, he cannot act.
485
00:59:20,980 --> 00:59:25,840
The effect is further to weaken the deterrent capacity of democratic states,
486
00:59:26,530 --> 00:59:33,670
both because it makes it hard for the head of state to act and act with speed, which he may often have to do.
487
00:59:34,270 --> 00:59:44,170
And also because of course, it creates another element in the state which is uncertain and which putative opponents recognise.
488
00:59:46,360 --> 00:59:54,490
Now those four reasons are of course challenges to the strategy democracy nexus,
489
00:59:55,510 --> 01:00:07,150
but they also carry their own implicit solutions a coherence approach to limited war, a more effective management of media and communications,
490
01:00:07,810 --> 01:00:10,840
a more sophisticated system of civil military relations,
491
01:00:12,130 --> 01:00:20,680
and a readiness to accept the Congress and Parliament are acting as strategic inquisitors, which very often they are.
492
01:00:21,550 --> 01:00:29,260
All those might produce fresh approaches, but to open the door to better making,
493
01:00:29,620 --> 01:00:35,980
to the better making of strategy, and to the better making of strategy in democratic states in the 21st century.
494
01:00:37,150 --> 01:00:37,930
Thank you very much.