ÜBER DIESE EPISODE
For more than a decade, Syria was defined by war, displacement, and devastation. The fall of Bashar al-Assad marked a historic turning point but also raised a difficult question: What comes next for a country rebuilding after years of conflict?
Baker Institute Fellow Kristian Coates Ulrichsen speaks with Mona Yacoubian of the Center for Strategic and International Studies about Syria’s fragile transition. They discuss the country’s political and economic challenges, prospects for refugee return, and the role regional powers and the international community may play in shaping its future.
This conversation was recorded on June 3, 2026.
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NOTIZEN ANZEIGEN 🔗
TRANSKRIPT 🔗
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For more than a decade, Syria was defined by war, displacement, and devastation.
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The fall of Bashar al-Assad marked a turning point, and left a harder question.
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Can Syria actually rebuild?
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Welcome to Baker Briefing, where we make news make sense.
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I'm Christian Coates Ulrichson, fellow for the Middle East at Rice University's Baker Institute.
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Today, Syria is in a fragile transition. A new government is trying to assert
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control over a country that remains deeply fragmented,
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Power remains divided among local and regional actors, including Kurdish-led
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authorities in the northeast and other transitional or opposition-aligned forces elsewhere.
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At the same time, the economy is in severe distress, reconstruction needs were
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enormous, and millions of Syrians remain displaced inside and outside the country.
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To help us unpack where things stand and what comes next, we're joined by Mona Yakubian.
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She is the Director and Senior Advisor of the Middle East Program at the Center
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for Strategic and International Studies.
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Mona, thank you for being here. Thanks for having me, Christian.
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Thank you. Well, let's start with the big picture. It's been a year and a half
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now since the fall of Bashar al-Assad in December 2024. Where does Syria stand
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today politically and socially?
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Are we seeing the beginnings of a genuine transition?
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Or do many of the structural dynamics from the Assad era still persist in new forms?
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It's a great question, and there's no simple answer to it. I think we're seeing
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a bit of both. We've certainly seen the country stabilize from a security perspective.
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We're seeing the lowest level of violence in Syria today in over 15 years.
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And the government has managed to integrate, in particular, the northeast part
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of Syria through an integration agreement that was signed earlier this year in January.
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So that was an enormous shift in terms of bringing much of the country under
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the central government's control.
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However, there are still enormous challenges, many of the ones that you laid down.
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And I would say more broadly, I think, challenges around governance.
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And ensuring that as part of Syria's transition, that the government does adopt
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an inclusive model of governance, one that allows for Syria's many different
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minorities to feel that they have a real voice
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and are vested, and one that also
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includes a broadening section of people in positions of responsibility,
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not simply those who are close to Ahmad al-Shara and those around him from Idlib.
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Yeah, you've written extensively about tensions between Damascus and the Kurdish-led
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forces in the Northeast.
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What would meaningful Kurdish integration into the Syrian state actually look like in practice?
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That's another great question. And I think what we're seeing as a result of
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this integration agreement that was signed by both sides in January,
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we are seeing significant movement on the military front.
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We're seeing efforts and an agreement both to have more senior level Kurdish
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officials in the Ministry of
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Defense, and we're seeing the beginnings of integration by unit of former
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Syrian Democratic Forces elements.
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So interestingly enough, on the security and military side, there is progress being made.
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What's far more difficult is on the political side, where I think you are seeing, frankly,
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emerging and maybe even more fractious differences with respect to
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cultural rights, even education, language, and of course, under all of that
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political authority and what that looks like, how is it devolved out into Kurdish-majority areas.
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And in the beginning of the transition in 2025, there were clashes in Sueda
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and also on the coast with Alawite communities. How do you assess those areas now?
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Again, we're seeing, I guess, in terms of on the coast, these Alawite-dominant
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areas, we have not seen recently the kinds of very concerning sectarian violence in Syria.
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But on that score, much more needs to be done in the realm of transitional justice
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and institutionalizing the approach to transitional justice.
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With respect to the Druze in Sweda, that is still very much a bubbling,
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intense area. There really is no Syrian central government authority in the
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heart of Sweda, this Druze-dominant district in southern Syria.
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And no real sense of how those differences will be bridged. And I think that
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is going to be an area to watch going forward.
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And how do you assess the performance of Ahmad al-Shadda, the president,
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in the 18 months since he emerged from obscurity, or at least from his nom de
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guerre, to become leader?
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Well, become leader of Syria and really burst out onto the international stage
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in just really, to be honest, remarkable ways.
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I mean, addressing the UN General Assembly this past September,
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the first time in over 60 years that a Syrian leader addressed the UN General Assembly.
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Building out relations with the United States, including an Oval Office visit
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with President Trump, deepening ties across Europe.
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In fact, the upcoming G7 summit, Syria has been invited as an observer country,
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which is really remarkable.
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He's also done an incredible job of building out ties in the region,
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certainly with Gulf countries who really want to see Syria stabilized.
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They view Syria as a geostrategic asset in the region, a place that could really
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serve as a connector between the Gulf and Europe, something that was thought
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of before the current war with Iran has even greater importance now.
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And so he's done a remarkable job in terms of building out Syria's credibility
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in the international community.
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He's doing more at home, but I think that is an area that really still needs
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more work, both in terms of these earlier governance questions that I raised, but also
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in a way matching that superb international outreach with greater domestic outreach.
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And more effort, I think, is needed to really speak to Syria's many different
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constituencies, not only sectarian and ethnic communities, but even within the Sunni community.
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And so I think this is something that he certainly has the capability to do.
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It'll be interesting to see if, having now shored up his international ties,
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is he able to do more to consolidate domestically.
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One of the big challenges now, of course, is reconstruction.
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And with costs being estimated at more than $200 billion, what are the most
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urgent priorities for rebuilding Syria?
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And what role can the international community play realistically?
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Given donor fatigue. Yeah, where to start on that?
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I mean, I had the great opportunity to visit Syria in November and went to Daraya,
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one of the more devastated areas just outside of Damascus, actually within Damascus.
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And it was really quite something, Christian, to see the level of devastation.
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And it's a reminder of just how significant this rebuilding is.
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So starting from the ground up. There's a need to address the widespread UXO,
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unexploded ordinance challenges. And in fact, we're seeing people die every
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month from having come in contact with these unexploded mines.
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Rubble removal. And then, of course, reconstruction, reconstruction of homes,
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let alone buildings of health facilities.
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And then there's the need for the delivery of essential services,
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electricity, which is foundational to any sort of private sector investment,
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education, and so forth.
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So the task is enormous. There is a certain degree, I think,
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of excitement isn't quite the word, but enthusiasm by Syrians that see still an opportunity.
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But I would also say it's a bit of a closing window because Syria is suffering
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economically. There are more than 90% of Syrians that live under the poverty line.
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They have issues with food insecurity, inflation, all of which could be compounded
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by the reverberations of the Iran war.
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And then your last point about donor fatigue, that is very real.
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So all of these needs are happening in an environment of decreasing humanitarian
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budgets. The World Food Program, for example, just halved its assistance to
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Syria in May, and that's going to have an enormous effect on.
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And then lastly, I think we have to think about the role of the Gulf,
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which prior to the Iran war, we saw
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Qatar and Saudi Arabia step up and play a very important role,
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both in terms of stabilizing Syria, providing assistance for salaries,
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helping the electrical system to get back up and running.
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Now, with their own problems at home, it raises big questions about how much
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they can and would be willing to provide Syria going forward.
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Even with a new transition government, millions of Syrians still remain displaced,
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both within the country and abroad.
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And what conditions would need to exist for safe refugee return and for durable
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solutions for internally displaced Syrians?
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So these are all interconnected problems. So they have to have a place to return to.
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So there needs to be much more in the realm of shelter, rebuilding homes.
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They have to have work to be able to sustain themselves. So issues around livelihoods.
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They want to have schools in order to be able to send their children.
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So rebuilding the education system. They need essential services.
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All of these kinds of impediments, I think, are what get in the way of both
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refugee return and even IDP return. And then lastly, I think there is this issue of social cohesion.
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This is a country that's been through a devastating war.
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And so being able to start to address some of the invisible issues,
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the trauma that has been experienced across the culture, and beginning to re-knit
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the social fabric, all of these are going to be essential building blocks for sustained return.
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You mentioned before the Gulf states, and one of the problems after 2011,
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after the uprising, was rivalries playing out within Syria, especially between
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some of the Gulf states, and Turkey was involved.
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Do you see external actors now pulling more in one direction,
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or is there a risk once again that regional political rivalries could play out,
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thinking not just the Gulf states, but also Turkey or Israel as well? Yeah.
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I do think that the Gulf states learned important lessons from their engagement
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during the Civil War, where we did see, indeed, deep rivalries across the Gulf
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countries that played out inside Syria, an arena for their competition.
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It had the adverse effect of really deepening and protracting the conflict.
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Now, with the promise of what a stabilized Syria could bring for the region,
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I think you are seeing a concerted effort amongst GCC countries to work together.
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Some are more in the lead, Qatar and Saudi Arabia, for example.
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But we're not seeing the kinds of rivalries and working at cross purposes in
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Syria that we had seen during the conflict.
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I'd also add, you mentioned Turkey, and Turkey is also playing a really very
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important role by virtue of the close ties that Turkey has to the current transition government.
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In Syria. And there, too, you've seen a rapprochement between,
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for example, Turkey and Saudi Arabia, where they are actually working in a harmonized
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fashion. They're working together. There's deeper cooperation.
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I would argue part of a much broader regional reordering that we are witnessing.
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Now, there is the issue of competition between Turkey and Israel.
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And Syria, unfortunately, is poised to be an arena for that competition.
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We have seen since the collapse of the Assad regime that Israel has,
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of course, taken a position. It has undertaken strikes against military targets, etc.
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I think understandable concern in Israel about what it means to have a former
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al-Qaeda leader in power in Damascus, especially after October 7.
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But you are also seeing continued on and off military action,
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incursions on the ground. Israel occupies some portion of Syria beyond the demilitarized zone.
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And then also, I think, a little bit of interference in that Druze-Syrian government
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tension and perhaps sowing more dissension
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within the Druze community, perhaps in the name of keeping Syria fragmented and off balance.
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And of course, broad concerns by Israel about Turkey and Turkish ambitions and
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having a strong Turkish ally right on Israel's border.
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And do you think the U.S. will remain engaged in Syria if policy bandwidth or
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in-region resources in the Middle East get focused elsewhere,
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thinking obviously of the focus on the Iran war, the economic and energy consequences of that?
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And if there's a change in U.S. administration at some point,
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so it's just more of a bipartisan issue.
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Yeah, I mean, I guess a few thoughts on that. I mean, we've seen bandwidth issues
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already in the U.S. government. We are seeing a U.S. government that is somewhat
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hollowed out at the State Department, the NSC, etc.
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So that's an issue that pertains really globally. And certainly the Iran war
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has drawn an inordinate amount of attention.
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But that being said, Ambassador Tom Barak, who is ambassador to Turkey and now
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was recently named special presidential envoy to Syria and Iraq,
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in addition to his, he's played that role, but it's been he's been re-upped
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and given a slightly different title.
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He's in a very important position and has, I think, enormous influence by virtue
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of his role as ambassador to Turkey and having responsibilities for Syria and Iraq.
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He's quite engaged. And I think you are seeing the U.S.
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Government remain engaged with Syria. Of course, President Trump himself has
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even a personal liking of Ahmad al-Shadda.
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He's had him into the Oval Office. You've seen the U.S. government undertake
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a number of important measures, including and most importantly,
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the repeal of Caesar sanctions efforts to try and spur investment in Syria as a way forward.
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But the question of does this last is a whole nother one.
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And I do think Syria is one of the interesting places where you largely see
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bipartisan consensus on Syria, on the importance of Syria, on the positive development
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of a new government in Syria and the collapse of the Assad regime.
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But as you know, Christian, we're in an incredibly uncertain world.
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And so whether or not the U.S. government is able to sustain its attention on
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Syria is really going to be, I'm afraid, at the whim of many other kinds of
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developments that happen not only in the Middle East, but even globally.
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And then just looking ahead, what do you see as the biggest factors that will
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determine whether Syria moves towards stability or potentially falls back into fragmentation?
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I think for me, the critical factor is governance. And whether or not the Shara government.
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Is able to not only consolidate and regain control over the entire country,
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it's made great progress in that regard, but also how does it govern?
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And again, we have to remember that Syria is a mosaic of different religions and ethnicities.
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And what is essential for any post-conflict stabilization effort to be successful
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is governance that is inclusive, that is representative.
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If the Syrian transition government can get that right, in my view,
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that will serve as a key foundation for the country to move forward toward a
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more stable and prosperous Syria.
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Yes, I think we have to remember what Ahmad al-Shadda took on in 2024 after
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almost 14 years of a devastating civil conflict that had so many different,
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it cut so many ways and cities were destroyed.
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No, absolutely. I mean, we should not forget where Syria has started from in
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terms of this transition.
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And in that regard, it is remarkable and quite stunning to think that actually
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Syria is one of the more stable countries in the Middle East today,
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that it has remained largely insulated from the Iran war.
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Again, I think, due to the adept diplomacy of President Shara and his foreign
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minister, and that there are great strides being made to bring the country forward.
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And I don't certainly don't want to detract from that. But I also think we should
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be very clear eyed about the magnitude of the challenge.
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Well, that's a great way to end. Mona, thank you very much for joining us.
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Thank you so much for having me.
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