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In this episode, we talk about a petition by Maharashtra
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government's Food Safety Commissioner Tukaram Munde against the National Food.
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Regulator, FSSAI.
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We also talk about medical college interns in West Bengal
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buying and selling hospital shifts on WhatsApp.
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But we begin with Mumbai, where plans to build the.
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City's first seawater desalination plant have triggered protests from fishing
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communities who fear the project could threaten their livelihoods. Hi,
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I am Niharika Nanda and you are listening to Three Things,
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the Indian Express News Show. For years, Mumbai has struggled
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with a familiar problem. How to provide enough drinking water
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for a city of more than 2 crore people? Particularly
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when monsoon fails to deliver adequate rainfall. The city currently
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faces a daily drinking water shortfall of around 550 million litres.
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And with Maharashtra experiencing drought conditions this year, concerns over
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Mumbai's dependence on rainfall have only grown. Now to address this,
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the Brihan Mumbai Municipal Corporation or BMC has revived a
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plan that has been discussed for nearly two decades, turning
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seawater into drinking water. And the proposed desalination plant is
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coming up in Manori.
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So Manori is a small coastal village. It is situated
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in the western suburbs of Mumbai, along the west coast.
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That's The Indian Express's Neonika Bose, who reported on the
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story for the paper.
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It's very famous for its beaches. So tourists flock to
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this place very often. And alongside Manori, there are several
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other coastal villages which are lined on this belt.
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So these include.
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Gorai, Uttan, Pali, Dongri and another area called Chok. And
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all of these villages are settled along the sea coast. Naturally,
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then the population here in the Manori region, Gorai and
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Uttan belt, they are predominantly involved in fishing or other
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allied work. Which means that while most of the families
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Load full transcript
are dependent on fishing as a direct means of livelihood,
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it also creates indirect employment in the way of transport
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of fish, sale of fish, export, storage solutions, cooking fish-based delicacies, etc.
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And besides this, Manori and Gorai also have lush farmlands.
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So there's a very thriving farming community based in these areas.
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Neonica tells us that its first phase is scheduled to
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be operational by December 2029, producing 200 million litres of
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drinking water every day, enough to meet the daily needs
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of up to 15 lakh people. But while the project
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promises to improve Mumbai's water security, it has also sparked
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opposition from the people who have depended on these coastal
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waters for generations. So to understand why is Mumbai turning
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to desalination to meet its water needs and what exactly
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are the fishing communities worried about, my colleague Echa Sharma.
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Speaks with Nayonika in this segment.
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Nayonika, before we get into the protests... Could you tell
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our listeners a bit about how serious is Mumbai's water shortage?
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And why has the BMC decided that turning seawater into
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drinking water is now necessary?
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Yeah, you know, despite being a coastal city where we
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are surrounded by the sea and seawater in three directions,
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Mumbai is entirely dependent on rainwater for our current needs.
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portable water demands. Not only portable water, but even for
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industrial and agricultural water demands, we depend on rainwater. How
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it works is that we have seven major reservoirs in
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and outside of Mumbai district. And these reservoirs get filled
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during the four months of monsoon season. And then through
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the dams, the water is transported across the city through
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a channel of tunnels and water pipelines throughout the year.
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So Mumbai is entirely rain-dependent. It is so rain-dependent that
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should there be a year with poor rain, the city
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could face a severe water crisis. And the chances of
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crisis are high because Mumbai already is under a water
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supply shortfall.
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So currently, Mumbai is able to.
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Supply approximately 4,100 MLD of water every day. But the
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actual demand of the city stands at 4,650 MLD. So
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there's a huge shortfall. And this demand is further projected
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to grow beyond 6,000 MLD by 2024. And now with
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an El Nino, a strong El Nino system in place,
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where drought has spread across the state, the BMC is,
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you know, sort of taking up the cudgels to further
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diversify the sources of water that we have here. So
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instead of being entirely dependent on rain, the idea is
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to now treat seawater, which is abundantly available in the city,
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and convert it into drinking water. And This, according to
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the BMC officials, is expected to play a crucial role
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in even bridging the gap that we have currently between
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the demand and the supply. So, you know, to put
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into perspective, in the first phase alone, when the plant
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is expected to treat up to 200 ml of water,
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it is projected that this project will cater to up
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to 15 lakh people in the western suburbs of Mumbai.
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Right, and we understand that hundreds of fishermen and villagers
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are protesting against this project that is supposed to provide
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drinking water to Mumbai. So, could you help us in
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understanding what exactly is happening in Manori?
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See, for now, I mean, Manori has been making the
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headlines of late because a land parcel of approximately 29
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hectares in this area has been earmarked for the construction
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of Mumbai's first ever desalination project. And that is the
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project which is now drawing concerns and there have been
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protests by locals, fishermen and activists alike. This project is
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expected to come atop a small hillock, which used to
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traditionally serve as a grassland where the cattle grazed and
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local fisher folk would dry their fish. And, you know,
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local children just spend their time playing. This site also
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has a very scenic view of the beach. So it
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was also a very popular tourist spot. Now, however, that
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area has been barricaded by the BMC and the agency
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has now started doing ground survey, soil assessment to be
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able to finalize.
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Their plans for desalination project.
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This project work is expected to be carried out over
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the next three years. And the deadline is set at
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December 2029.
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Right.
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And Mumbai has been considering desalination for nearly 20 years, right?
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So what has changed now that makes the BMC confident
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that this project can finally go ahead?
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Yes.
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So for 20 years, it didn't work out because there's
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always been concerns over the cost and land availability and
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even the technology because it's fairly new for India.
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We have plants everywhere.
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Desalination plants in Chennai, which were commissioned in 2010. And
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this mechanism is very common globally. But in India, it
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still remains a very new and up and coming project.
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And even so, in 2007, actually, so nearly two decades ago,
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the state government had appointed a committee which suggested that
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Mumbai should have desalination plants. And gradually in 2009, Mumbai.
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Was facing an acute water crisis.
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So the BMC then, you know, took up the cudgels
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to sort of do some feasibility studies for the construction
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of this plant. However, again, the concerns over high cost
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and land acquisition came to fore and then the BMC
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decided to cancel this proposal.
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Three years after 2016.
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And 2019, the erstwhile environment minister, Aditya Thackeray of SENA UBT,
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he showed interest in the project.
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And then the plan was again revived.
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Then after that, in 2021, you know, the BMC sort
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of signed MOUs. It had interactions with international companies, water
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technology companies based in Israel. to sort of further build
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on this idea of a desalination plant for Mumbai. You know,
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in 2023, after much deliberations, then the BMC finally floated
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a tender. It was a 3,500 crore tender, which sought
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to invite bidders to sort of, you know, build, develop
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and maintain a desalination plant in Banori. However, that proposal
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kept drawing very feeble responses and then gradually it was cancelled.
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And I think the final mark came in 2025 when
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the BMC again floated a fresh global tender. And gradually
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by December of last year, in 2025, a contract was
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awarded to a joint.
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Venture between an Indian and an Israeli company.
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Now, for those who may not know already, this desalination
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plant will use reverse osmosis, essentially the same basic technology
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found in many of our household water purifiers, but of course,
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on a vastly larger scale. So basically, seawater will be
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drawn through an underwater intake system. It will then be
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screened and filtered and forced through a barrier under high
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pressure to remove salt. The treated water will then be
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remineralized and disinfected before distribution to homes and businesses. The
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process will also generate concentrated saline wastewater that will be
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returned to the sea from the outtake pipes, and this
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has raised concerns among the villagers. So, Nayonika, just how
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worried are fishermen? And what does this mean for the
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marine ecosystem?
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Yeah, so for fishermen, you know, they account for the
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largest chunk of the population in this belt. So desalination
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plant and how it works has naturally created a concern.
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The biggest concerns surround around the impact on the marine ecosystem,
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the fish breeding and eventually the catch of fish. You know,
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not only in Manori, but these concerns echo even in
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the nearby villages of that area. So speaking about the
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intake outlet, the concerns have largely been around the fact that,
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you know, This
water, this intake outlet, it will be
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like a tunnel. So it's going to draw water from
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the sea. And many of the generational fisher folk are
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concerned about the smaller baby fish, the eggs and the
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fish breed. They're worried that it's going to get sucked
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into the pipe due to the suction pull of the tunnel.
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When it comes to another concern, it largely centers around
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the fact that Many fish, even eels for that matter,
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more expensive catch like lobsters, they all come to the
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coast or the rocky side for breeding. The fisher folk
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have highlighted that they prefer to breed in a quiet area,
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but they are worried that with the development of the plant,
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the entire quietitude, the tranquil of the area will be disturbed. Also,
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they are worried that the facility will increase.
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The movement and the churn in the water. So, they
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are concerned about these factors. When it comes to the
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outlet part of it, the outfall area of the tunnel,
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they are concerned that the brine, which is concentrated seawater,
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it's going to eventually be discharged into the sea and
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increase the salinity of the water. So they are concerned that,
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you know, while this may not have an immediate impact
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on the population of the fish, they are worried that
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gradually fewer fish will come here to breed. And this
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is going to have a direct impact on the you know,
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the livelihoods of people here.
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Having said that, when we went there, when we.
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Spoke to the locals, the biggest cause of anger was
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the fact that their concerns are currently not being addressed.
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This has further fuelled worries along the coast.
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Right, and Nayonika, as you mentioned earlier, fishing here is
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not just an occupation, but an entire local economy. So
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how many families depend on the sea? And what makes
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this fishing economy vulnerable?
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Right, so according to the local estimates, the villages of Manori,
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Uttan and Gorai are home to over 20,000 fishing families,
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which directly depend on fishing. If they do not fish,
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then like I said earlier, they are engaged in some
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kind of allied work.
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Since they are directly dependent on fishing.
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As a livelihood, any change in the population of fish,
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the change in fish breeding patterns is going to impact
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their catch significantly. which is going to directly impact the
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source of income. So for them, it's not just a
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matter of, you know, raising protests. They've been constantly saying
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that it is for them a cause of their entire livelihood.
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And one of the most interesting insights for me was
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how the villagers actually brought fishermen from Chennai to understand
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what happened around the desalination plant there. So could you
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tell us a bit about that?
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Right.
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So when the locals in the area first found out
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that there's going to be a desalination plant, there was
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a lot of unawareness about the project. Because like we
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had discussed earlier, it's still a very new concept.
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So they started doing their.
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Own research and they also spoke to the local corporator
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in the area. Interestingly, the local corporator told them that,
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you know, there's already a plant in Chennai and people
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there are facing no problems. This is how they found
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out that there is some kind of facility, some kind
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of similar facility which is operational in Chennai. And the
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fisher folk here on the west coast in Manori somehow
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managed to.
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Get in touch with the fisher folk there.
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They also got in touch with the activists in Chennai
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where a desalination plant is already operational.
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So they had this exchange of dialogue and then.
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Eventually, there was so much worry amongst the locals in
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this area that they pooled in money and they flew
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in two people from Chennai, the fisher folk
and an
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activist from Chennai who came to Bombay, who came to
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the village here in Manori and had a dialogue with them.
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And when they spoke to them, they realized how badly
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the livelihoods of the fisher folk in Chennai had been impacted.
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They realized that they were facing problems owing to soil erosion.
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The catch of the fish was going down. There were
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multiple concerns.
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And during this dialogue, the fishermen in Chennai also explained
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to them, I mean, explain to the locals in Manori
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as to how to sort of map the coordinates, how
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to understand what's happening when, how to apply for applications for,
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you know, information from the government.
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And this exchange of dialogue led.
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To awareness amongst the locals in Manori, Gorai and the
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Uttan belt.
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Right.
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And it's not just fishermen who are worried. You highlight
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how farmers in the surrounding villages are also opposing the project.
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So what exactly are their concerns?
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Right.
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So being a coastal area, Manori and its nearby regions,
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they predominantly have coconut, paddy and mango yield. But when
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we went there, farmers also told us that they grow
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vegetables like chillies and brinjals, tomatoes, pumpkins, you name it.
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They have vast fields, you know. So according to the
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farmer community, the increase in the salinity of water and
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eventually increase in salinity in the air also will impact
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the growth of their native crops. So that primary concern
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has led the Farmers Association to even write to the
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authorities in opposition to the project. They've also joined the
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fishermen now in the protests.
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And Ayonika, how has the BMC responded? Because you mentioned
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earlier that the fishermen's concerns haven't been heard.
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So the BMC had initially had a dialogue with the
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local community. And according to the locals, that was more
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about a sort of presentation from the BMC's end.
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According to the locals, the concerns of the villagers were
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not heard.
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Having said that, the BMC for its part, you know,
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it maintains that the project is not going to have
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any impact on the marine life. the concerns over brine,
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you know, the discharge from the plant, which has become
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a source of controversy.
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The BMC says that it will have no impact on
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marine life.
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According to civic records, the brine discharge is mainly concentrated
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seawater with high salinity. It does not include any toxic
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chemicals or heavy metals. So the BMC said that, you know,
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it's not going to cause any shock to the marine life.
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And they've also maintained.
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That they're going to use multiple diffusers, ambient salinity and
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also maintain strict chemical standards as per the MPCB norms
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to ensure that there's no harmful impact. Besides that, you know,
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they've also said that specific features have been incorporated in
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the plant which are not existent at the time when
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the Chennai plant was built in 2010.
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So, they believe that the concerns.
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Which have been flagged by citing the problems in Chennai
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will not be faced in Mumbai because the technology is
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much more advanced.
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00:17:51.319 --> 00:17:54.339
So, for instance, you know, this could get a little scientific.
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But the official said that there are intake heads which
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are situated below the low tide levels.
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They're also very much deep into the sea.
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And They've also designed it in a way that allows
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velocity at a very reduced rate to prevent any organism
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from getting trapped in the intake screen, you know. Additionally,
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they've also said that unlike older desalination plants, which used
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00:18:21.769 --> 00:18:25.569
to use the thermal technology, this particular plant is going
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00:18:25.609 --> 00:18:28.630
to use reverse osmosis in which there is no heating
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00:18:28.710 --> 00:18:32.890
of water. And even the brine will
be within 1
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00:18:32.890 --> 00:18:37.289
degree Celsius of the ambient seawater. So the BMC for
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00:18:37.329 --> 00:18:39.980
its part maintains that, you know, there's no big cause
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for concern. There's no cause for concern when it comes
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to the livelihoods of people.
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And I think we know that Mumbai is already considering
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another desalination plant at Versova. So, does this resistance in
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00:18:52.490 --> 00:18:55.829
Manori kind of speak about the larger problem that persists
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with how the city plans its coastal infrastructure, particularly when
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the people who depend on the coastline may not be
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the primary beneficiaries as such?
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Yes, of course.
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00:19:07.640 --> 00:19:10.930
In fact, the locals that we met now have already
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00:19:10.990 --> 00:19:15.710
been speaking in contempt of the plant planned in Varsova.
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And the coastal, the fisher folk community in Mumbai have
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always been very vocal about their concerns and their voice
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00:19:22.720 --> 00:19:26.269
holds a lot of import in the state. So the
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00:19:26.329 --> 00:19:30.390
concerns are naturally going to come when it comes to
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the upcoming plant. The similar concerns will be flagged by locals,
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00:19:34.859 --> 00:19:38.160
not only in the fishing communities of Versova, but also
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00:19:38.220 --> 00:19:42.500
in other fishing beds. For now, however, it remains to
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00:19:42.519 --> 00:19:46.509
be seen how this project is going to unfold. Because
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00:19:46.950 --> 00:19:49.970
for now, the locals have raised demands of a dietitian.
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00:19:50.380 --> 00:19:53.619
while the BNC has said that they are open to discussion.
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So it still remains to be seen how this project
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will unfold and how it will set a kind of
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standard for the next upcoming plant of BNC.
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00:20:08.160 --> 00:20:10.700
And next, we talk about a petition by the Maharashtra
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00:20:10.740 --> 00:20:15.559
government against the National Food Regulator, FSSAI. Earlier this month,
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00:20:15.619 --> 00:20:19.769
Maharashtra's Food Safety Commissioner Tukaram Munde, who has recently been
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00:20:19.789 --> 00:20:22.869
in the spotlight for his strict action against food businesses
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00:20:23.250 --> 00:20:26.910
violating safety norms, approached the Bombay High Court against the
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National Food Regulator, the Food Safety and Standards Authority of.
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00:20:30.450 --> 00:20:31.750
India or FSSAI.
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00:20:32.190 --> 00:20:35.069
In his petition, he alleged that the National Regulator
had
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00:20:35.150 --> 00:20:39.519
created a parallel regulatory mechanism and encroached on the state's powers.
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00:20:40.019 --> 00:20:42.599
And he also argued that the Centre had restricted the
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00:20:42.630 --> 00:20:45.980
powers of the Commissioner and his officers. Now, the petition
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00:20:46.019 --> 00:20:49.779
has brought into focus how food safety is regulated in India,
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00:20:50.099 --> 00:20:53.220
how responsibilities are divided between the Centre and the states,
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00:20:53.619 --> 00:20:56.980
and the limitations of the current system. So, to understand
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00:20:57.000 --> 00:20:59.640
the concerns raised in the petition and what they mean
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00:20:59.700 --> 00:21:02.400
for food safety regulation in India, we speak with the
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00:21:02.440 --> 00:21:06.200
Indian Express's Anona Dutt. Anona, can you first tell us
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00:21:06.660 --> 00:21:09.460
what exactly Tokaram Munde is saying through this petition?
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00:21:10.230 --> 00:21:13.450
So what he's saying is that the central agency, through
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00:21:13.490 --> 00:21:17.809
its various guidelines over the years, has actually encroached on
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00:21:17.849 --> 00:21:21.869
the powers of the state food safety officers. And it
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00:21:21.890 --> 00:21:28.819
has created sort of a parallel regulatory mechanism for certain companies, especially,
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00:21:28.839 --> 00:21:33.440
you know, the big companies that are dealing with high-risk
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00:21:33.500 --> 00:21:37.079
foods like, you know, perishable items such as meats, milk,
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00:21:37.420 --> 00:21:39.519
which was anyway allowed in the Act, but it has
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00:21:39.579 --> 00:21:43.690
also encroached upon other activities with bigger companies, which is
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the contention, because the state commissioners cannot inspect on their
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00:21:48.430 --> 00:21:52.170
own these facilities, which are granted a central license.
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00:21:53.029 --> 00:21:55.720
And coming to the food regulation, tell us what is
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00:21:55.740 --> 00:21:59.140
the division of responsibilities between the centre and the state?
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What all does the centre have under its control?
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So the Food.
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00:22:03.769 --> 00:22:07.609
Safety Act actually says that the centre can grant licences,
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like I mentioned, to companies which have a very high turnover,
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especially when they are working in high-risk food sectors and
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perishable items.
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But it also.
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Encompasses companies which operate across state borders. So there is
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no problem of these companies having to seek multiple licenses
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from different states. However, the Act does not stipulate any,
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you know, creating any cadre of officers known as the
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Central Food Safety Officers. But the Centre has created such
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00:22:41.980 --> 00:22:46.119
a cadre and the Central Authority and has been using
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00:22:46.240 --> 00:22:50.119
these officers to inspect the, you know, premises which are
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00:22:50.160 --> 00:22:54.720
licensed under the Central License. And in these premises, the
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00:22:54.779 --> 00:22:57.859
food safety officers from the state are not allowed to
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00:22:58.289 --> 00:23:04.210
conduct individual inspections, except for in some extenuating circumstances, like
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if there is an emergency or there has been like
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a report of some outbreak and the action has to
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00:23:10.279 --> 00:23:14.799
be taken immediately. Barring those cases, the state regulators cannot
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inspect the premises without the central team. So this was
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00:23:19.049 --> 00:23:21.950
actually one of the major points of contention because it
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00:23:22.410 --> 00:23:25.539
takes away the power from the food safety officers who
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00:23:25.599 --> 00:23:28.579
are actually the designated officers as per the Act. to
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00:23:28.619 --> 00:23:32.579
carry out the inspections, seize, you know, samples, conduct the
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00:23:32.619 --> 00:23:37.430
tests and then launch whatever prosecution, whether civil or criminal.
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That was all what the state authorities had to do.
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But now some of it is also done by the centre.
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And now coming to the state, what all does it
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00:23:46.579 --> 00:23:47.420
have under its ambit?
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So the state can regulate all other food business operators.
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00:23:52.289 --> 00:23:53.869
So whether it's packaged food or.
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00:23:53.849 --> 00:23:59.170
Even restaurants or certain hawkers, all of that comes under
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00:23:59.230 --> 00:24:02.859
state regulation. So they have to get a state license
401
00:24:02.900 --> 00:24:06.940
and the state food officers can conduct these inspections. But
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00:24:07.119 --> 00:24:10.480
in any case where the company has a turnover of
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00:24:10.619 --> 00:24:13.799
over 50 crores and has a central license, they can
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00:24:13.839 --> 00:24:17.920
now only be inspected by the central authority, like I mentioned.
405
00:24:18.609 --> 00:24:21.549
So now keeping this in mind, what has Maharashtra government's
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00:24:21.609 --> 00:24:22.430
petition questioned?
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00:24:23.210 --> 00:24:26.079
So like I mentioned, one of the key things is having,
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00:24:26.130 --> 00:24:30.119
you know, the central food safety officers, which the act
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00:24:30.190 --> 00:24:34.319
technically does not mention because it says the commissioner can
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00:24:34.440 --> 00:24:38.920
appoint a food safety officer, but only the heads of
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00:24:38.960 -->
00:24:43.180
the state food regulatory authorities can are known as commissioners,
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00:24:43.240 --> 00:24:47.400
whereas the head of the central regulatory body FSSAI is
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00:24:47.700 --> 00:24:51.500
a CEO. So the petition challenges that why is CEO
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00:24:51.599 --> 00:24:55.849
appointing these so-called central food safety officers. Secondly, of course,
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like I mentioned, they have taken away through its order
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00:24:59.869 --> 00:25:04.950
in May 2023, they have taken away certain powers from
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00:25:04.990 --> 00:25:07.819
the state food safety regulators in that they are They
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00:25:07.839 --> 00:25:13.059
cannot conduct inspections in these centrally licensed places on their own.
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00:25:13.720 --> 00:25:16.619
And third, of course, another important point that has been
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00:25:16.680 --> 00:25:20.440
raised is that the center has also started this online
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00:25:20.500 --> 00:25:22.849
portal for the compliance system.
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00:25:23.309 --> 00:25:28.150
It does various things, including the licensing part. And that Mr.
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00:25:28.250 --> 00:25:30.369
Munday has alleged that that is.
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00:25:30.430 --> 00:25:34.349
Also taking away more and more food businesses from these
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00:25:34.390 --> 00:25:35.230
state inspections.
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00:25:35.819 --> 00:25:38.180
And we also understand that the petition says that the
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00:25:38.200 --> 00:25:41.809
centre has brought more food businesses under its own authority, right?
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00:25:42.390 --> 00:25:43.559
So tell us how is that?
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00:25:44.269 --> 00:25:44.509
Yes.
430
00:25:44.849 --> 00:25:47.890
So there are two things here. One is the allegation
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00:25:47.930 --> 00:25:50.289
by not just Maharashtra.
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00:25:49.789 --> 00:25:52.970
FDA, but some of the food safety officers from the
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00:25:52.990 --> 00:25:57.529
states that I spoke to is that increasingly more food
434
00:25:57.569 --> 00:26:01.250
businesses are being brought under the central license. For example,
435
00:26:01.690 --> 00:26:06.670
all e-commerce platforms, the five-star hotels are certain categories which
436
00:26:06.690 --> 00:26:09.529
have been brought under central license. And the second thing
437
00:26:09.710 --> 00:26:14.210
is the authority to conduct food inspections in these places.
438
00:26:14.690 --> 00:26:19.539
So with the 2023 order, these centrally licensed places cannot
439
00:26:19.599 --> 00:26:23.759
be inspected by the state food safety regulator. So earlier,
440
00:26:23.900 --> 00:26:28.059
even though certain businesses, especially the products that were being imported,
441
00:26:28.200 --> 00:26:32.640
came under the central authority, the state regulators could still
442
00:26:32.700 --> 00:26:36.000
conduct inspections in these spaces. So this is what the
443
00:26:36.019 --> 00:26:39.400
Maharashtra government has alleged that the centre is taking away
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00:26:39.480 --> 00:26:41.079
some of its role.
445
00:26:41.700 -->
00:26:45.480
And with these changes, what challenges has the state been facing?
446
00:26:46.160 --> 00:26:46.890
So there are.
447
00:26:46.829 --> 00:26:50.329
Certain challenges that the states have started facing because of
448
00:26:50.390 --> 00:26:55.309
this new division of roles. One of which is, you know,
449
00:26:55.569 --> 00:26:59.690
cases slipping through the cracks. So first, the authority has
450
00:26:59.849 --> 00:27:03.650
made a demarcation that certain businesses would be inspected by it,
451
00:27:03.950 --> 00:27:07.769
while the others with the state licenses would be inspected
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00:27:07.829 --> 00:27:11.450
by the state regulators. However, there have been instances pointed
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00:27:11.509 --> 00:27:15.430
out by various food safety officers where the center has
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00:27:15.589 --> 00:27:20.210
also conducted inspections in places which technically then should have
455
00:27:20.279 --> 00:27:22.579
been inspected by the state authorities.
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00:27:22.900 --> 00:27:25.180
Which creates its own unique challenges.
457
00:27:25.299 --> 00:27:30.880
So, for example, one food safety officer from Delhi told
458
00:27:30.960 --> 00:27:35.140
us that in certain cases where inspection is carried out
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00:27:35.180 --> 00:27:38.829
by the central authority, when the state authority goes to court,
460
00:27:39.069 --> 00:27:42.730
the officer is asked to identify the person from whom
461
00:27:43.109 --> 00:27:46.750
The sample was collected and since the state food safety
462
00:27:46.789 --> 00:27:49.670
officer was not present at the time of inspection, they
463
00:27:49.690 --> 00:27:53.390
cannot do that. They cannot identify the proprietor or the
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00:27:53.509 --> 00:27:57.819
person whose permission was taken while collecting the samples.
465
00:27:58.099 --> 00:28:01.779
So that again results in the cases failing in court.
466
00:28:06.569 --> 00:28:08.410
And in the end, we talk about a trend that
467
00:28:08.450 --> 00:28:12.869
has emerged in West Bengal, where interns in medical colleges negotiate,
468
00:28:13.029 --> 00:28:17.329
buy and sell hospital shifts on WhatsApp. The Indian Express's
469
00:28:17.369 --> 00:28:20.990
Sweety Kumari reported that in government medical colleges in Bengal,
470
00:28:21.430 --> 00:28:25.369
shift switches that started as informal peer arrangements among medical
471
00:28:25.390 --> 00:28:29.390
interns have turned into a cash-for-duty network, that operates across
472
00:28:29.490 --> 00:28:32.349
medical colleges in Kolkata and other parts of the state,
473
00:28:32.710 --> 00:28:36.660
allowing interns to trade mandatory rotatory shifts for amounts ranging
474
00:28:36.700 --> 00:28:40.299
from Rs 200 to Rs 600 per hour. One such group,
475
00:28:40.380 --> 00:28:45.000
named Internship Replacement, contains more than 255 members who regularly
476
00:28:45.039 --> 00:28:49.049
broadcast shift availability and the money expected in return. Now
477
00:28:49.089 --> 00:28:51.410
to keep a check on the interns, the State Health
478
00:28:51.450 --> 00:28:55.160
Department has rolled out a biometric attendance system. Health Minister
479
00:28:55.200 --> 00:28:58.900
Sharadwath Makhopadhyay, who says he came across a dental college
480
00:28:58.980 --> 00:29:02.480
intern performing duties on behalf of an MBBS intern during
481
00:29:02.519 --> 00:29:06.630
a surprise inspection at Murshidabad Medical College, held a meeting
482
00:29:06.670 --> 00:29:10.470
this month with principals and vice-principals of medical colleges where
483
00:29:10.490 --> 00:29:13.880
the issue was discussed. Sources said that principals of three
484
00:29:13.920 --> 00:29:17.400
medical colleges across the state had no idea about this
485
00:29:17.480 --> 00:29:21.200
network under their roofs. Mukhopadhyay told Sweety that the practice
486
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has been found to be widespread across almost all government hospitals.
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Officials said that on an average, a medical college and
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hospital in Bengal has around 250 interns who must put
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in minimum hours for an MBBS degree, performing duties such
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00:29:35.390 --> 00:29:38.450
as taking down case histories of patients for a monthly
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stipend of Rs 40-50.
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Rs 50,000.
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Only on health grounds or an emergency is an intern
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allowed exemption from duty with the requirement that missed hours
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be completed later. One of the officers added that there
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is no attendance system as such in place. Mukhopadhyay said
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that the government intends to eradicate all malpractices from the
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system that started during the tenure of the previous government.
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On the other hand, medical interns have also shared concerns.
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that not everyone should face the consequences of something a
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few have been indulging in, and that the government also
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needs to address the unbearable work pressure and the appalling
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basic conditions the interns have to face daily, from unsanitary
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washrooms to a lack of proper rest areas.
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However, an intern.
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Also told Sweety that the swapping of duties is an
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open secret given the number of hours that they have
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to work.
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00:30:29.829 --> 00:30:32.490
You were listening to Three Things by the Indian Express.
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00:30:32.769 --> 00:30:36.789
Today's episode was edited and mixed by Suresh Pawar and
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00:30:36.849 --> 00:30:39.029
produced by Ichha Sharma and me.
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00:30:39.049 --> 00:30:39.970
Niharika Nanda.
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00:30:40.190 --> 00:30:42.170
If you like the show, then do subscribe to us
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You can also tweet us at Express Podcast and write
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