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Good morning and welcome back to the Wire China podcast.
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Before we get into today's episode with guests from the NGO Safeguard Defenders, I'd be remiss to not mention the weekend's biggest breaking news.
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Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang's admission of an affair with someone who the US government suspects is a Chinese intelligence asset.
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We've been following Nvidia's chip sales to China and several alleged smuggling operations, but this is really a sordid and unfortunate twist in the tale.
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Stay tuned to The Wire China throughout this week for more.
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You can stay up to date with us by following us on social media or subscribing to The Wire China's free newsletter, linked in the podcast description below.
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But back to the main topic.
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If you remember, three weeks ago, we published an excerpt from a new book on China's secret prisons and coercive interrogation techniques, as our October 25th cover story.
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That excerpt was written by Michael Kavrig, who joins us today.
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Michael Kavrig is chief executive of research firm Kavrig Group and co-founder of the Center for Strategic Statecraft.
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A former diplomat, he lived in China from 2014 to 2021.
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For the last three years of his time in China, he was imprisoned in response to Canada's detention of a Huawei executive, a topic we covered in our previous podcast episode.
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Michael, thank you so much for being here today.
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Pleasure to join you.
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Also joining us is Peter Dahlin, the director of Safeguard Defenders.
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He was the director of Human Rights NGO China Action, based out of Beijing from 2009 to 2016.
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In January 2016, he was arrested by Chinese officials and held in solitary confinement and subsequently deported and banned from China.
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Hi, Peter.
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Nice to have you with us today as well.
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Hi, Zavanna.
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Thank you for having me.
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So first, Peter, can you tell us a little bit about this book that your organization is publishing, The People's Republic of the Disappeared?
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What does it aim to do and what topics does it cover?
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Yeah, sure.
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The People's Republic of the Disappeared tries to put a spotlight on a very little-known phenomenon in China called RSDL, a euphemism for disappearing people, sort of outside the normal regular criminal justice process.
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It's a system that existed for quite a long time, but we're starting to see how it is being applied on foreign citizens more and more over the last few years, including in clear-cut cases of hostage diplomacy.
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So what we really wanted to do was to bring out something that isn't a macro data level type analysis, not a legal analysis, but something a little bit deeper by talking to victims and getting them to write first-person short stories of how it is to go through this system, which often lasts for up to six months, half a year, with a particular focus on foreign citizens, such as Michael Kovrig here, who's experienced it as well, and see perhaps how it differs a little bit, how it's used against China's own citizens.
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So as you mentioned, this is an extra-legal, extrajudicial system.
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What is exactly the RSDL?
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What does that entail for those who are subjected to it?
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Well, there is a dark side of the system and there's a lighter side of the system.
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The lighter side, which I don't think we're going to be talking too much about today, is a special alternative for those that are not suitable to be detained or arrested, such as breastfeeding women, people with childcare responsibilities or people that are very sick.
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They can be placed into an alternative to arrest or detention.
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The darker side of the system is at least 300 custom-built sites around the country at secret locations where people are taken off the street, blindfolded, taken to these locations and held for up to six months, often without the right to accessing legal counsel, with no right to communication, and with family members who are not by law needed to be informed that you've been taken or where you are.
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You basically disappear.
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And all of this can happen without a judge's approval, without you going through any process with a court.
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It's nationwide, it's systematic, it's widespread, and it's really become a signature policy within the so-called criminal justice system of Xi Jinping.
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I would just add that it's pre-arrest detention in a secret facility.
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So it's not jail, it's not prison, and it's not a detention center for up to six months, decided by the police or state security without a court, in a place they choose and don't have to disclose.
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So they'll they may tell your family you've been detained, but not where.
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Your lawyer can be and probably will be refused access for the entire period under regulations if the case involves national security.
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You've got two guards in a padded cell with you around the clock, the
Load full transcript
windows are covered, there's no daylight.
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So three words in the name, right?
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Residential surveillance and a designated location.
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Three words and all three are false.
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It's not really surveillance, it's not residential, and it's in a location almost nobody can find.
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It's the only form of detention in the Chinese system that combines total incommunicado confinement with no judicial oversight of any kind.
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China's legislature is potentially going to revise the RSDL law in the way that works, are they not?
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Right.
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So RSDL was created, right?
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Uh residential surveillance itself has existed since the 1979 criminal procedure law, but that was like an alternative to jail and actually served in your home.
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It was closer to what it sounds like.
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The designated location variant is the new one, and that was written into the criminal procedure law in a 2012 amendment that took effect in 2013.
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So it was a mechanism.
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It was made by a statute and can be unmade by a decision with the National People's Congress.
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And there's precedent for that, right?
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Re-education for labor was abolished by the NPC Standing Committee.
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Custody and repatriation was also abolished even earlier.
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The difference is that both of those were administrative systems operating outside the criminal process, but RSDL sits inside the criminal procedure law itself.
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And so the only way to change it is to amend that law.
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And that's actually happening right now.
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The draft amendment was published on November 6th, and it's open for public comment for a month now until December 5th.
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And so Chinese scholars and defense lawyers have actually spent two years arguing publicly that the measure should be abolished or sharply curtailed.
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Yeah, I mean, um, not to go into the legal details too much, but it's also interesting what Michael mentioned here is there's been pressure within Chinese academia, within the legal community to reform or abolish the system for a number of years, especially the last three or four years.
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There's been a number of high-profile deaths of torture within the RSDL system.
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And there has, of course, been a discussion that a new revision to the CPL, the criminal procedure uh procedure law is needed.
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Unfortunately, the reason I think it's it's good to be quite skeptical that we're going to see anything positive here is that the prosecutor's office and the police preempted this by issuing a new regulation on RSDL summer of 2025 that was largely intended, I think, to offset these criticisms to ensure that the RSDL system is not abolished during this new uh revision discussion.
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So, yeah, uh there is hope, of course, but obviously the the police have thought about this and made their own moves to make sure that this is not a tool that's going to be removed from their arsenal.
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That's why I'm I'm rather skeptical that the CPL revision itself will be that positive when it comes to RSDL, but there is hope uh for sure.
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What is the grounds for the pushback from the legal community?
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Is it based on human rights or rule of law concerns from the Chinese side?
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Yeah, I think that depends.
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Within Chinese academia, it largely is that there is no external body that can regulate the police's behavior and how they apply the RSDL system.
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Uh, within Chinese academia, most of them are former prosecutors, they're party members, but despite that, the output we see is quite aggressively critical of how the system is being implied, how time limitations are violated.
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So we see a lot of criticism from academia about that.
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From lawyers and legal practitioners, is more that especially local police tend to apply these exceptions that you cannot access legal counsel if it's a national security crime, but they apply it on all forms of RSDL use, even for non-political crime, for non-national security crimes.
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And again, there is no external authority that can correct the behavior of the police when they do so, rendering lawyers more or less meaningless when it comes to being placed into the RSDL system, which was not, at least in writing, the intention when the system was created.
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Since a large part of it is the national security dissidents, terrorism charges, do people necessarily know that they're being held for those reasons?
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And considering especially revenge cases where Beijing is taking retribution for other countries' actions or statements China doesn't like, do public security officers go through the motions of pretending it's really about something else?
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Yes and no, from I think Michael has a lot more experience personally on that, but when we we talk to people, we've interviewed a little bit over 200 people at this point of RSDL victims over the years.
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And they do go through the motions, including when it comes to foreign citizens being held.
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Uh, I think partly that is because with
international attention, certain parts of RSDL must be respected.
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For example, the six-month time limit, uh which means that they need to have in their mind a solid case so they can move it forward to arrest if they need to hold the person longer.
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Uh so I think that's one of the reasons why, even when it's quite blatantly fake reason for holding someone, that they will still go through the motion.
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I also think that a lot of the interrogators actually believe the allegations levied against these people.
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And even if they didn't, they still must treat it as such, because otherwise they will suffer themselves.
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Yeah, I don't want to go into too much depth on my case, but based on a lot of the other ones I've read, I would say it's it's a consistent pattern that the officers go through the motions completely.
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They never break down the fourth wall, they never drop the pretense.
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And the going through those motions are actually the point, right?
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Part of it is compartmentalization, right?
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The officers in the room are not the people who decided that you would be taken, and they genuinely may not know why the file landed on their desk.
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In my own case, it became, you know, because I had consular meetings, it became and in which we talked about the Mmung case.
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And there was one moment in the concept reading where the um the interpreter actually told us to stop talking about Mmung's case, and I deliberately turned to him and said, There's no rule that we're not allowed to talk about news of the day.
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This is a news issue in Canada.
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I'm interested in it.
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Why, what reason could there be that I could not talk about it?
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Which annoyed the hell out of them because, of course, the reason was they knew damn well it was connected to my case.
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Um, but they would never acknowledge that.
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Uh, but so and I think more generally, right, the system doesn't require the interrogators to know.
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It requires them to build the case, and the law is written so that a case can always be built.
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Uh I would point your um your readers uh actually to an article I did for The Wire China last year called Is It Safe to Visit China?
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Uh if you take the state secrets offense that's typically used against foreigners, the Supreme People's Court in 2001 defined intelligence as matters relating to national security and interests that have not yet been made public.
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Not classified, just unpublished.
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And a second provision says material carrying no classification marking at all still counts as long as you knew or you should have known it was sensitive.
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So if you're a journalist or a researcher or a diplomat or doing due diligence, uh, the test is basically satisfied by your job description.
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So the interrogators technically don't need to fabricate, they're working methodically through a file of entirely real things you did under a definition that's broad enough that the real things you did can be construed as an offense.
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They they have their perspective, a party perspective, in which you're guilty, and they would just keep building that reality around you.
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And so whether the detainee knows what it's really about varies enormously.
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Some people work it out, some people are told more or less explicitly, and many spend months genuinely trying to identify the thing they did wrong.
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And that's part of how the pressure works because that's a you know that really messes with people's heads, right?
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So for the majority of people, the way out of RSDL is you are actually charged with a crime, there's a concrete case.
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What happens to the prisoners who make it through that process?
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There is a rather significant amount of people that are placed into RSDL, often held for the full six month period, and then released under so-called bail conditions.
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Uh, so there's a very significant number of cases that never ever reaches either the prosecutor's hand nor a court.
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Uh but the majority of cases based on Chinese academic studies uh do lead to an arrest and later, of course, prosecution, imprisonment, and so-called release.
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One of the more interesting developments we've seen is something that Jerome Cohen called a non-release release or NRR.
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It's not brand new, but it's becoming more systematic, systematically employed.
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And that is when they release you from a prison, or it could be from, say, uh from a jail as well, if they decide to drop the uh the prosecution, and you're moved into softer house arrest, but still kept incomunicado.
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And this is a process that goes from weeks to sometimes several months, which is a way to sort of manage the release of especially dissidents or anyone that might garner media or public attention.
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Uh, but once that's over, what's interesting with police in China, especially local police, is that their memory is quite short and they are not very systematic, and they tend to sort of lose, lose focus after a while.
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--> 00:14:53.440
Uh so as long as you lay low for a little while, local police tend to sort of drop their surveillance uh quite quickly, a few months, I would say.
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And one of the inspiring things is, and we see that from the testimonies of people, uh Chinese dissidents and so forth in the book, they do find their way back to activism.
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Uh, whether it's been RSDL, whether it's been imprisonment, whether it's been torture, almost every single one finds their way back into activism upon release.
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It's really remarkable, Dan, uh what you said there, that people come back to such a risky activity after everything they've been through.
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Because part of uh, in my experience, you know, what I've seen reading a lot of these essays and talking to a number of other detainees, part of the point is legally the point from the state's perspective is to coerce a confession because that's the gold standard.
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But the the extent you don't need six months and then potentially extend it for another 13 months for a total of you know, a year and a half of interrogation.
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You don't need that much interrogation time to get the facts in the vast majority of imaginable cases, right?
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The purpose of that is coercing a confession, but also to I think it draws a lot on the party state's long tradition of thought remolding, right?
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Of reshaping not just behavior, but thinking, of you know, whether you wanted to call it brainwashing, going back to the Korean War, or just rectification.
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They want you to acknowledge the state's power and the fact that the party is infallible.
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It's always scientifically correct.
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And for it to be right, you have to be wrong.
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If they were just looking to expedite confessions, they would write up the crimes that you have they want you to confess to and give you a piece of paper and just say sign here.
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They don't do that, they make you write out your own confession at great length, and in many cases, they then make you rewrite it over and over again because it wasn't sufficiently groveling and apologetic.
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Uh and what's the logic of doing that except to try to reshape your thinking and align it with the party states?
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Uh, and the striking thing is that the activists, the advocates that you talk about, Peter, it doesn't work on them, but the state just keeps doing it over and over again anyway.
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For any listeners who haven't seen it yet, the link to the excerpt from the most recent edition of People's Republic of the Disappeared is on our website and it's linked in the podcast description.
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Speaking of this book, this is the third edition.
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Do you fear there will be a fourth, a fifth, a sixth edition as this practice continues?
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How does this all end?
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How can this all end?
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What do you hope this book and the continued publishing of this book can do and can lead towards?
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Well, from our point of view, we look to the abolition of the re-education through labor system as an inspiration.
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There was a time where there wasn't a bilateral engagement with China where their re-education through labor system didn't come up.
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There wasn't a multilateral fora where it didn't come up.
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It was constant.
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And I don't think that was the main reason they abolished the system, but I think it kept the discussion within China alive that this is an issue, we have to address it.
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And down the road, the only suitable solution was to actually get rid of it.
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And RSDL, as well as the sister system that exists for state workers and party members, very similar to RSDL, taken together, we're talking at least somewhere around 70,000 people a year being disappeared into these two systems.
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It is by far the most significant challenge against the international consensus that enforced disappearances has no role to play in civilized society, much like torture.
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And we've actually built this against enforced disappearances ever since the 60s.
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And China, and with these two systems, especially the RSDL system, has really brought back the issue.
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And my personal fear is that we have a lot of other countries looking at the lack of blowback, the lack of pushback against the system, and will seek inspiration from this because it is an incredibly powerful tool for any authoritarian out there.
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There is a reason systematic disappearances are classified as a crime against humanity for, you know, for a very good reason.
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So I think it's very important to get as much information and discussion about RSDL going.
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And a book is one of many ways that can be done.
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But yes, again, using actual victims, in this case, foreign victims primarily, and their own writing, I think can bring something new that, again, our data analysis and law analysis cannot.
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Uh, which is why I think we're gonna unfortunately have to keep pushing this book and probably making new additions over the years uh to come.
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To end on a some more positive uh or uh optimistic note,
right?
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Safety defenders project of this book is incredibly important because RSDL depends on deniability.
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Right.
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Each testimony that you can check against other testimonies makes the denial fractionally harder and more expensive to sustain.
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And I I was just last month uh or in September, I was at uh a conference on Chinese law, gathering both Chinese and foreign lawyers, and I put a couple of questions to criminal procedure experts about RSDL, and the Chinese ones effectively wouldn't even acknowledge its existence or talk about it.
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They said that their research hadn't covered anybody like that.
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It was very awkward for them.
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And so by putting this out there, you're providing evidence and first-person testimonials that it happens, that it happens, it's real.
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We have in this book 10 new first-person accounts, plus a dozen from earlier editions.
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And what they reveal is a curriculum, uh, so the same sequence, the same techniques, the same skirts across decades and different cases.
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That's not improvised cruelty or exceptions, it's training, it's doctrine.
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Thank you so much, Peter and Michael, for your time, for sharing your experiences.
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And again, that is People's Republic of the Disappeared, third edition by Safeguard Defenders, which is out now in English and Chinese.
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In addition to the excerpt from Safeguard Defenders book, which again is available at the link in our description, we have a whole raft of news stories this week in our most recent issue.
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Our cover story, written by Ben Buchanan and Tantum Collins, is an extract from their new book, The Bitter Struggle.
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The two are former Biden administration officials, and they discuss how they sought to control the outsourcing of leading American AI technologies and prevent their possible leakage to China.
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Also, this week, my colleague Rachel Chung writes about how China's pharma industry has become adept at innovation, but the struggles they face with developing companies to challenge big multinationals such as Eli Lilly or Johnson ⁇ Johnson.
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Also, this week, I profile Hung Li Group, the industrial conglomerate headed by Chen Jian Huang, Fan Hongwei, and their children, who are some of China's richest people.
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Hung Li Group not only operates textiles and petrochemical factories, but also leads the largest shipbuilding facility in China, which received over 200 new ship orders in the first half of this year alone.
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Our QA this week is with writer and historian Robert D.
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Kaplan on the quote, China whisperers who shaped how the US views its main rival.
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Our opinion piece on China's renminbi-based trade with countries such as Russia and Iran and what that means for dollar dominance in the world economy is written by Ho Feng Hung.
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All of these are available on our website, thewirechina.com.
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Thank you so much for listening.
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Do share this episode with anyone who might be interested in listening to it and see you next week on the Wire China podcast.