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It's only happened once, but the guest is understandably rather upset.
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I don't know if if you I don't remember if we talked about this.
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Do you listen to Econ Talk?
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Yeah.
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Russ and I once Russ did not get a recording.
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And it happened the session was really quite bad.
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And so when we redid it, it was far better.
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So it was a blessing.
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But uh one one one can't count on that.
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I did write to I did write to Russ recently, but after I did it, I went and looked at what his episodes have been about in the last few years, and there's not a lot of talking about econ, it seems, anymore.
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Well, two things on that, two things, if I may.
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One is people have suggested it be called prostate talk.
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And and then after the colon, an elderly Jew considers his own mortality.
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So I it's unkind but not inaccurate.
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And then more recently, uh the most recent episode that I did, there was a commenter who said, apparently there's been a mistake.
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For some reason, the wrong podcast was uploaded, and this one was about economics.
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So there is some sarcasm from the from the listeners.
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Well, I'm going to I will cut all of this first part.
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I will do my little introduction and then let you introduce yourself and say how you came to do this.
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And so off we go.
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My guest this month on The Answer is Transaction Cost is Carl Whelan, who is an economist with rather a checkered past.
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There, there is an old joke that a person who was a central banker was asked, Well, what do you tell your mother?
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And he said, Oh, I could never never tell her that.
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I tell her that I'm a piano player in a brothel.
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So good the central banking, people who don't understand it, obviously, might have questions.
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The nice thing about Carl is that he has integrated two of the great interests of economists, which is central banking and gambling.
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The distinction between them may not always be so clear.
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So let me ask Carl, please do introduce yourself.
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How did you become interested in economics?
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And how did you become interested in the problem of let's call it prediction?
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Sure.
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Load full transcript
I mean, economics.
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I grew up in Ireland in the 1980s, and the economy was terrible, and it was just everywhere.
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It was, I I there's just I I couldn't understand people who weren't interested in it.
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So I went to university, studied economics, studied mathematics.
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There were no jobs.
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So I was like, okay, I'll go do a PhD in economics.
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And and I was always interested in macroeconomics, that kind of big picture kind of thing.
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So for me to go work at the Fed, that was the center of the macro universe, you know.
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So I spent six years there, greatly enjoyed it.
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And then I moved back to Ireland.
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I worked in the Central Bank of Ireland for about five years, and I left there in 2007, which was a in retrospect a very well-timed exit, because Ireland had an enormous banking crisis, which I was able to observe and discuss and comment on as an independent academic as opposed to somebody inside the central bank.
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Instead of having to be a piano player at a brothel.
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You know, it was maybe not as uncomfortable as that, but but but but you know, I still had friends that worked there.
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It was not a fun time.
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It was not it was not a fun era.
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So I've largely been a macro person, but in terms of my interest, I've always been interested in finance.
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When I went to graduate school at MIT, I I studied finance as well.
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And so and I'm a sports guy, so I've always been interested in sports.
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So I had a friend of mine who works in our department, he's a micro guy, I'm a macro guy, but we're both interested in sports.
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And he said we should write a paper about sports together.
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So I thought of an idea that was sports related, and I brought it to him.
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And he said, you know, I have a graduate student that's already working on this idea.
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So you you know, you go talk to him.
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And this wasn't just any old graduate student, it was it was a PhD student who had also had a degree in physics, and he was a professional bookmaker.
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And he was a professional bookmaker.
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He was many, he is, he is many things to many people.
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He's a guy called Ty Kegerty.
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He still works as a bookmaker here in Dublin.
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And my idea was about what happened when you had the COVID era sports, and you
had in particular soccer games all around the world with no home crowd present, nobody present to watch.
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So it's well known there's a home advantage effect in the statistics.
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What determines it is almost kind of over-explained.
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There's so many different factors.
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Yes, there's people supporting you, maybe they influence the referee, but also, you know, you get to wake up in your own bed that morning, you play on a pitch that's the, you know, that's a stadium that you're used to.
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There's all sorts of things it could be.
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And so I said, look, it'll be interesting to see how the bookmakers price this when the markets open up again.
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And, you know, there'll be I thought there'd be some kind of Bayesian learning kind of thing.
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They'd learn what the size of the effect was once they there was no crowd.
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And actually the results were were both striking but also more boring, which is we found that that when the markets opened, they said about 50% of the pre-existing home effect was due to due to the presence of crowds.
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And then we got lots of data, and after thousands of matches, you could end up with an estimate that was statistically precise enough, and it was exactly what the bookmakers had factored in the day the games opened up.
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Based on what, I still have no idea.
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So that got me interested.
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And I started asking my my friend Tig, I started asking him, well, how does it all work?
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And how do they set the odds?
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And you know, how what's a what's an extra what's a betting exchange as opposed to bookmakers?
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And I just found this was a fascinating subject as an economist.
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There's so many different types of markets, so so much data.
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There's millions and millions.
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The book that I've written, uh Fine Margins at How Economics Explains Sports Betting, you analyzes millions of quotes for bookmakers that are all freely available.
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There are many of interesting questions that I'm sure we're going to discuss about you know morality and regulation, about taxation of this kind of thing.
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And while economists have worked on this issue, I I found most of the questions I was asking didn't seem to be in existing papers.
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So I just kept writing papers, and then my university head, I approached him and said, I'd like to write a I'd like to teach a class about this.
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And then after I taught the class for a
couple of years, I was like, I think I should write a book about this.
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And and and here and here we are.
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And I've never had so much fun in my economics career.
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It's it's writing about gambling is 20 times the fun of writing about central banking.
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That that's quite journey.
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Let me make sure that you went through it pretty quickly.
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Let me make sure people understand.
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There was an amazing natural experiment to test the components of the let's call it home pitch advantage in this case.
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And that is that normally there are many factors that might determine it.
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One that people often mention is that crowds give the players energy and intimidate the referees.
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Well, that was taken out of it.
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And so the question is how to set the odds for a home pitch match.
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And the estimate was something about it had been reduced by half.
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For whatever reason, it had been reduced by about half.
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And it turned out that when you looked at ex post, because that's ex ante, when you looked at it ex post, it turned out that that was a pretty good estimate, which is an interesting question about how one might come to that.
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I guess you could there could be a kind of wisdom of crowds where you look at at each other for like three or four minutes.
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So it'd be interesting to see if there were very short-term movements at the very beginning.
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But since it was half, probably what I would have done was say, what the hell?
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I'm gonna say it's about half.
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And if I have some reason to change it, I won't.
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So a luck may have been a little bit.
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It may have been, but but the more I know about the bookmakers and sports books and their pricing, they're they're they're pretty scientific.
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Scientific is an interesting word.
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They have incentives to be accurate and they are very smart.
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So I I have a paper coming out in the Journal of Private Enterprise Education about using betting markets as a mechanism for teaching.
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And so let's move to that.
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Teaching in a class, and some of it is about economics, but some of it is is about this problem of information.
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Let's start one step before that.
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What is gambling and is it morally wrong?
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So I I am fascinated by
the economics around this area.
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On the morality side, I I think I'm a pretty boring centrist.
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My instinct as an economist is people should largely have the freedom to spend their money as they as they wish.
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But there is no doubt that gambling addiction is is a problem, is an issue.
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And if one looks at the sort of you know adjacent types of problems that people have with alcohol addiction, with drug addiction, nicotine addiction, and so on, society has largely decided to have some form of regulation around those things.
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And and that's probably appropriate for gambling as well.
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So but I I think for most people, I think the moral moral panic about it is is not particularly appropriate.
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For most people, it is something they enjoy doing.
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Most people that lose money, they kind of know that the game is rigged largely against them, and they still do it because they get some level of excitement or or or or fun out of it.
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But but there is that small percentage of people for whom this becomes something that ruins their lives financially and in all sorts of ways.
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Um, we can talk about about the best approach approaches towards regulation of it, but I I think overall trying to focus on identifying and intercepting that relatively small amount of people is probably the you know, at least the biggest bang for the book in terms of regulation, rather than trying to stop everybody do it or to ban it, which doesn't work anyway because people have been gambling on sports since ancient times.
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So so you'll uh a ban will never stop it.
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And and and it didn't.
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I I I have three quick observations.
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One is one of the things that I think is interesting about the your response is that you've said in a number of places that you thought the more appropriate response was not to ban it, but to use, and this warms my heart, transaction cost as a way of making it a little more difficult, putting some friction in the system.
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And so people might at least slow down, think about it.
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Maybe I'm not so sure I want to do this, something akin to freezing your credit card in ice and putting it in the freezer and it makes it a little hard.
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Now, of course, our credit cards are stored on our phones, but that that sort of that it takes me an extra 10 minutes to do this thing, and I think, uh, okay, no, I shouldn't do that.
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The the second thing that this raised to me is that the category of otherwise voluntary transactions that we usually want to regulate in a society are those that violate second-order preference consistency.
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That is, I want a thing, but do I want to want the thing?
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So it a heroin addict really wants heroin, but she doesn't want to want heroin.
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In fact, she really wants not to want heroin.
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And so that's the time when you might try to put the societal thumb on the scale.
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And so a gam a gambler, someone who enjoys gambling and bets small amounts sensibly, wants to gamble.
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And it's fine.
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The gambling addict wants to gamble, but does not want to want to gamble.
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And so there's a there's a big problem about how can we distinguish that, and you can't tell by looking, and you may not even be able to tell by the amounts bet.
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And so it is really a problem.
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But that leads to my third point, which is a question, and that is my first thing that I had asked was what is gambling?
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So, what is gambling?
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How do I tell if something is gambling or just a normal parlor activity?
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Because I, if I buy a ticket to a match and I go to the match, I've spent maybe a hundred pounds.
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If my team loses, I lost a hundred pounds on this stupid soccer game.
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So isn't any fan inherently a gambler because they're putting their emotions and their money hoping a team will win?
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Sure.
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I'm I mean, I think the category issue that a lot of people try to address is perhaps how do I distinguish gambling from financial investment?
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So when I talk to my students about this, I make the point that if you invest in the stock market, the stock market historically has gone up.
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You own a share in a company, if the company makes profits, you will get dividend payments back.
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And and you know, everybody be can can be a winner.
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Some people are more winner win more than others.
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Whereas in in in sports betting and in all sorts of gambling, it's just zero sum.
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You're just shuffling money around and the operators, whether it's you know sportsbooks or casinos, they're taking some of their cut.
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So for so for the people involved in it, it's negative, it's negative sum.
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So I think that's what makes it gambling.
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Now, what's interesting is there are financial products that bear resemblance to this, right?
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So if you bet on will the dollar go up or will the
dollar go down, that that by the definition I've just given, that that that that's that that's that's gambling.
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But you know, what one could say is is that if you look at the the the sports betting industry and the kind of regulations that are often proposed and that they object to, you will find that selling people financial products that look like this around the world tends to come with pretty serious custom consumer protection and provide information.
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Whereas you can sell somebody a 10-leg parlay that has an average return of you know minus 70%.
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And you don't have to say this is our return on parlays, and if you choose to take this investment, you know, this is what the historical record is, and so on.
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So I would say it's a slope going from you might say the stock market is gambling, I would probably say investing to sports betting is more pure and obviously gambling.
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And then there's a whole bunch of activities in the middle, and this is why I think we're gonna end up with a very interesting Supreme Court case in the United States at some point in the next 18 months where they're gonna think about these issues long and hard.
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And it's it's clearly a legislative issue, but the Congress is not defining it, and so the court is going to be obliged to.
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So, again, to make sure that people understand, um, one thing I might do is buy an asset, and then I am at risk in the sense that the capital value of that asset might rise or fall.
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And so I'm taking a risk, but there's an underlying asset whose value still I have and I can't lose everything.
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But if we take a derivative on that asset and we sell some derivative that has only to do with increases or decreases, like an option, for example, then an option is it is is almost purely a gamble.
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One of the reasons to have options is so that people can diversify risk, but another is that they can load up on risk.
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So they they can take only risk by buying options rather than trying to lay off risk against the position.
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But in that case, at least there is a legitimate financial activity that you might have.
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Is gambling on sports legitimate in the sense that it is a socially something that socially we should encourage, or is it something that is inherently immoral?
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And I recognize you have said you're kind of a centrist on this and you're not going to judge it.
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What do you think is the reason that so many people have this moral reaction?
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It's not that they don't want addicts, they don't want anybody to gamble.
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Sure.
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I mean, I I stories of people who have ruined themselves via gambling, you know, are are pretty legendary over the years.
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They get a lot more attention than stories of people who like to bet$50 on the NFL every weekend.
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Or have a basketball pool, the NCAA uh March Madness basketball pool.
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You put in ten dollars.
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So, so so uh, you know, and and and and moral crusaders tend to just always be louder than than than other people.
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And I think one of the problems with this as an area is quite a bit of my focus in in my research and in the book is on you know what determines the odds that people are offered.
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I mean, that's that's the price, right?
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And you find there's a uh a lot of vested interest, the betting company side, that's very interested in offering consumers bad value, and there's a lot of interests, the moral side, trying to get it banned or restricted.
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And the millions of people who bet every week typically don't have don't have a lot of people standing up for them saying, let's allow this, but let's allow it to be fairer, let's allow it to be done at a better price.
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And part of what I'm doing in the book is trying to walk people through the economics of what these transactions are and how the the prices are being set in different betting market structures so that they can kind of see, you know, open their eyes to you know the the strategies that are being adopted to part them with their money.
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And not all bets are are made equally.
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So so I I think trying to ban it is pointless anyway.
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And you know, if we look at at the modern era when we s when it starts to be legal, what you see is it's it's it's 1961 in the UK that you see the first modern, formal, legalized betting sector.
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And I think the reason they did that was if you if it's if it's not allowed, but it's still happening, then typically yes, you will get some things like pools and friends and so on, but you know, the the the transaction cost of running a book has to fall to somebody that's quasi-professional about it, and so and so it's it's criminals.
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And so this was a boost to the criminal world.
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The UK did not have organized crime with quite the you know massive capabilities of the mafia, but it was still, I think, an uncomfortable thing for the UK government.
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So their approach was legalize it as soon as it's legalized, and they did so with all sorts of restrictions.
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You know, we could go into, but all sorts of restrictions.
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There were 3,000 betting shops in the UK within within one year.
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So for a lot of people, they they wanted to be able to gamble, but they were much more comfortable with being able to do it going into something on the high street than having to go find it.
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It wasn't like you go to a bar, you know, and you and and and say, psst, you know, who's taking money on the game?
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Well, it wouldn't generally, but it's a but it's a transaction cost, and there are other elements of it that are unsatisfactory in the sense that you've no consumer protection.
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So if your underground bookie does a runner, you can you can't call the police.
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So people are just more comfortable with it once once it once it's legal.
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And that approach could have been adopted in in the US, but instead the Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon administration's approach to it was to view sports betting as part of the mafia's portfolio of businesses, and just to try to cut cut down on organized crime.
00:21:20.240 --> 00:21:25.440
Now, the the interesting thing is all the acts that got passed during this period, the WIRE Act and all of that stuff.
00:21:26.400 --> 00:21:35.759
The FBI throughout this period always said, at least in private, but I think increasingly over time in public, that they could not enforce these laws.
00:21:36.079 --> 00:21:40.400
You know, it was unenforceable to try to prevent people gambling on sports.
00:21:40.640 --> 00:21:59.759
But that was the approach the US took, and you know, it it it it held sway until you know, pretty strongly, apart from Nevada, until the the late 80s, early 90s, and then it looked like other states were going to follow Nevada, and then you had Senator Bill Bradley.
00:22:00.559 --> 00:22:02.079
And Bradley's a great man.
00:22:02.720 --> 00:22:04.640
But he there's no doubt he's a moralist.
00:22:05.200 --> 00:22:09.279
He views everything through these sort of moral uh frameworks.
00:22:09.519 --> 00:22:19.519
And and I think it was Bradley's moralizing ability that got the US Congress and Senate to pass this protection of Professional Sports Act, PASPA.
00:22:20.000 --> 00:22:37.359
And and that that's how when the rest of the world is having this incredible revolution around sports betting because of the internet, because of smartphones, the US is just like stuck, frozen in time, until you get this extraordinary Supreme Court decision in 2018.
00:22:37.599 --> 00:22:52.480
And a lot of the crazy things that have happened in the US have reflected this enormous market that grew gradually over time in the rest of the world, coming on full bore in 40 states over a small amount of time.
00:22:52.799 --> 00:22:59.920
So even issues about policy issues and regulatory issues, the the state governments haven't and federal government, they haven't had the time to
think about them.
00:23:00.000 --> 00:23:05.440
They're just it's everyone's head is still spinning, and it keeps changing with prediction markets and all of that.
00:23:06.960 --> 00:23:08.400
Well, you said a bunch there.
00:23:08.480 --> 00:23:11.119
Let's go back to a little bit of it.
00:23:11.359 --> 00:23:19.039
One of the public choice insights about origins of regulation is the Baptist and bootleggers model.
00:23:19.119 --> 00:23:23.359
And of course, the Baptists were the moralizers saying that drinking was wrong.
00:23:23.440 --> 00:23:29.920
And the bootleggers were the criminals who were saying, please don't legalize this because you're protecting our monopoly.
00:23:30.160 --> 00:23:39.440
And so there's a number of reasons why, and it's hard to know just how many payments were made under the table for people who might have said, you know, what the hell?
00:23:39.680 --> 00:24:01.039
But then the organized crime, which is in the US, when the US was very organized, particularly in some states, at the margin, there may have been a Baptist and bootleggers coalition there because clearly it was a great benefit to organized crime not to have this legalized in the northeastern cities where many, many people gambled.
00:24:01.200 --> 00:24:08.960
So the it was a major, it was a nice source of income for police, for state attorney generals, lawyers.
00:24:09.039 --> 00:24:15.599
There was there was a whole rake of people that were on the payroll to turn a blind eye.
00:24:16.160 --> 00:24:30.400
And if if if I am a policeman, and I know there's a law against gambling, but I think that's sort of silly, and I get an extra couple hundred a week, not only to look the other way, but to protect the transactions.
00:24:30.559 --> 00:24:35.279
That is, I'm sitting at the bar also, and no one's going to come in and rob the book.
00:24:35.359 --> 00:24:37.839
He's got this big stack of cash.
00:24:38.160 --> 00:24:44.240
I'm literally providing protection, which is something that police do, but this might be disproportionate.
00:24:44.480 --> 00:25:06.079
So the argument that you make, which I think is clearly true, but people might lose track of, is that if this is going to happen anyway, the state might very well be better off legalizing and taxing it and then imposing perhaps some regulations, but those regulations are going to have some of the same impacts of reducing competition.
00:25:06.160 --> 00:25:08.319
In this case, it's reducing legalized competition.
00:25:08.400 --> 00:25:22.000
So one of the one of the arguments that you make, I think that's important, is that all of these regulations have they prevent competition among books in a way that makes the legal books also very happy.
00:25:22.400 --> 00:25:22.799
Yeah.
00:25:23.039 --> 00:25:23.359
Yeah.
00:25:24.079 --> 00:25:26.000
And that's true globally.
00:25:27.119 --> 00:25:31.119
You might imagine that this is an easy business to set up in, right?
00:25:31.200 --> 00:25:41.359
I I, you know, I set up a site and I scrape a website from somebody else that has the odds, and I start taking taking take them taking bets.
00:25:41.519 --> 00:25:45.039
Um like you'll be arrested inside hours, you know.
00:25:45.279 --> 00:25:48.240
It's an incredibly heavily regulated industry.
00:25:48.480 --> 00:25:55.839
And to be able to operate, you have to show that you have the capability of handling all these financial transactions.
00:25:55.920 --> 00:26:00.400
It's like a it's like running a mid-sized bank with all the money that comes in, all the money that goes out.
00:26:00.480 --> 00:26:08.720
You have to have it's a technology business, you have to have the website, and it has to work at all times and be able to take big flows of big flows of money at a time.
00:26:08.880 --> 00:26:18.000
You have to make sure that you're not being used for money laundering, so there's anti-money laundering legislation, and then there's all sorts of know-your-customer legislation as well.
00:26:18.319 --> 00:26:26.000
On top of that, the responsible gambling rules that are enforced in different ways in different in different places.
00:26:26.720 --> 00:26:42.799
In the United States, once it was legal for states to to allow sports betting after PASPA was repealed, you also had a couple of other extra elements that made that have made the markets particularly uncompetitive.
00:26:43.279 --> 00:26:52.640
So one was that in many states there was legal gambling, but it was tribal casinos.
00:26:53.039 --> 00:26:59.680
And so the tribal casinos, when they saw this thing coming down the line, they they they they wanted a piece of it.
00:27:00.000 --> 00:27:08.880
So in many cases, they lobbied to have a very restricted number of books within each state and to be involved with it as partnership.
00:27:08.960 --> 00:27:17.039
So for instance, Florida has one sports book, legal sports book, a hard rock bet, which is owned and operated by the Seminole tribe.
00:27:17.519 --> 00:27:24.720
So there were there were interests in this being a non-competitive cash cow anyway from the start.
00:27:25.039 --> 00:27:33.599
And then you had these two companies that had been doing fantasy sports, daily fantasy sports, and people were taking money and picking their fantasy teams every day.
00:27:33.759 --> 00:27:42.720
And so they had the databases for who it was was interested in spending money on gambling on sporting outcomes effectively.
00:27:42.880 --> 00:27:57.759
And it was a gray area as to whether it was legal or not, but it's an interesting transaction cost story again because a lot of people thought that the winners after passport repeal would be the famous names from Vegas, you know, Caesar's Palace and so on.
00:27:58.160 --> 00:28:05.680
But they had customers, but they had customers that would fly to Nevada to gamble at the sports book there.
00:28:05.920 --> 00:28:12.400
Whereas FanDuel and DraftKings had people who were already betting on their phone
and on the internet.
00:28:14.559 --> 00:28:23.440
The initial transaction costs of setting up the business and getting customers, they they were already clearly going to be the winners.
00:28:23.839 --> 00:28:31.519
The state by state legislative process then was was pretty uh unseemly.
00:28:31.680 --> 00:28:39.200
Uh there's a there was a great New York Times article from a few years ago, and they went to Kansas and watched the process.
00:28:39.359 --> 00:28:54.000
And you know, you've got all these little state, you know, these states state senators and congressmen, and the the books are while they're lobbying to get legalized, the books are bringing to the track and plying them with liquor and campaign contributions and all that sort of stuff.
00:28:54.319 --> 00:29:10.160
And you know, I'll be careful with my words, but I'll just say those two books, those two sports books spent very, very heavily on the legislative process to help get an outcome that was hap, that they were happy with.
00:29:10.480 --> 00:29:11.839
So it's not true in every state.
00:29:11.920 --> 00:29:23.039
There's some states have more competition than others, but it has largely been designed to be, I think, a bad market for consumers in terms of price competition.
00:29:25.200 --> 00:29:30.559
So you've used a phrase a number of times that people may not know what it is.
00:29:30.799 --> 00:29:32.240
What is a sports book?
00:29:32.400 --> 00:29:33.519
What does a book do?
00:29:34.000 --> 00:29:36.559
So so in my part of the world we just call them bookmakers.
00:29:37.039 --> 00:29:42.319
But but the and and and and in fact that that that was the traditional name in the United States as well.
00:29:42.640 --> 00:29:44.079
Making book, yeah, we're making book.
00:29:45.680 --> 00:29:59.519
But I I I think what happened is when the Vegas hotels started to go big into sports, they they would call the room where you would do the bets, they would call it the sports book.
00:29:59.759 --> 00:30:07.279
And I think a bookmaker sounds like some some guy called Sal who hangs out down the back of the bar or something, you know.
00:30:07.440 --> 00:30:10.400
The sports book just does, I don't know, it had more of a ring to it.
00:30:10.480 --> 00:30:18.400
So everybody wants to call themselves sports book now, which you know, for I have a I have I have an international edition of my book and I have a US edition of my book.
00:30:18.559 --> 00:30:22.240
So there's a lot of control C, control V going on around sports books.
00:30:22.319 --> 00:30:27.200
So I'm comfortable with saying the term, but if it was just me and my friends here, I would say I would say bookmaker.
00:30:27.359 --> 00:30:38.240
But yeah, their company, they they post odds, and you you you accept the odds, and and and if you if your pick wins, they they they pay back them, they pay back the money to you, you make a profit.
00:30:38.400 --> 00:30:41.680
But but on on average, the sports book wins.
00:30:41.839 --> 00:30:46.480
Now, there's quite a bit of confusion about the pricing process there.
00:30:46.640 --> 00:30:58.160
There is this sort of a I'll call it an urban legend, that the way the books work is suppose it's a toss-up between two teams, right?
00:30:58.240 --> 00:31:01.519
So, you know, it's Lakers, Celtics, and and they're equally likely to win.
00:31:01.759 --> 00:31:10.640
And so the the book takes, you know,$11 from one guy on the Celtics, it takes$11 from somebody else on the Lakers.
00:31:10.720 --> 00:31:20.640
They're sitting on these$22, and then whoever wins, they pay them 21 of that, so that they've got a 10 euro profit, they fed 11 to win 10, and the book gets one.
00:31:20.799 --> 00:31:22.559
And whatever happens, the book gets one.
00:31:23.519 --> 00:31:29.920
And that could be how it works, but that is definitively not how it works.
00:31:30.079 --> 00:31:34.160
And we know this both from bookmakers tell us this.
00:31:34.319 --> 00:31:38.880
It was one of the first questions I asked of my friend Ty Hegerty, the PhD student.
00:31:39.119 --> 00:31:44.799
But I found, you know, Jay Corneget, the most famous Las Vegas bookmaker, has said that's not how it works.
00:31:44.880 --> 00:31:49.200
And actually, now books like DraftKings actually release their volume splits.
00:31:49.359 --> 00:31:57.920
So they'll you can literally look up any game of of the week, and DraftKings will tell you it's 70% on one side, 30% on the other side, and so on.
00:31:58.079 --> 00:32:06.559
And the interesting thing is as an economist, what when I asked that question about is that how they do it, I thought, well, wait a minute, the odds are a price.
00:32:06.799 --> 00:32:08.880
And the book is a firm.
00:32:09.039 --> 00:32:10.720
We actually have the broker.
00:32:11.119 --> 00:32:12.079
It's a broker, in fact.
00:32:12.160 --> 00:32:14.720
They're they're matching the two sides, and what they'd like to do.
00:32:15.119 --> 00:32:16.400
I don't, I don't, I don't agree with that.
00:32:16.480 --> 00:32:16.880
I don't agree with that.
00:32:17.119 --> 00:32:18.079
Right, it's not true.
00:32:18.640 --> 00:32:22.720
It isn't true, but the the standard, the urban legend, I just want to make sure the urban legend is clear.
00:32:22.799 --> 00:32:29.039
Yeah, I'm a broker, I take bets from both sides, and I change the odds so that people are indifferent between betting.
00:32:29.119 --> 00:32:33.119
I want to take equal bets on both sides, and then I make money for sure on the VIG.
00:32:33.359 --> 00:32:34.880
That's the that's the urban legend.
00:32:35.119 --> 00:32:36.720
That's the urban legend, and that could be true.
00:32:36.799 --> 00:32:39.279
It could be that that's how how it's not a bad model.
00:32:39.680 --> 00:32:42.799
Well, it it it it kind of actually it depends.
00:32:42.880 --> 00:32:45.759
I I I discuss this in the book, and I actually discussed it.
00:32:46.000 --> 00:32:50.400
It's not a bad economic model for
me to put on the board, it's as good as many economic models.
00:32:50.640 --> 00:32:56.960
Yeah, I I describe in the book that that actually it it is a bad model in the following sense.
00:32:57.599 --> 00:33:00.000
These sportsbook are just they're firms, right?
00:33:00.240 --> 00:33:02.559
So they they they they're there to make profits.
00:33:02.720 --> 00:33:10.400
Now, to understand, you know, what what their model is, we have to have some sort of notion of what the demand for their product is.
00:33:10.559 --> 00:33:10.799
Okay.
00:33:11.119 --> 00:33:24.640
And so, you know, they would like to set the odds to be terrible odds that, but but at so at a certain point, even customers that aren't that price sensitive, and the evidence shows, and we can talk more about it, most betters are not that price sensitive.
00:33:24.799 --> 00:33:29.119
But but you can you can't, you know, offer insulting odds to people, you know.
00:33:29.279 --> 00:33:34.799
So there is a demand curve in terms of the better you offer the odds, the more people are likely to take it.
00:33:35.039 --> 00:33:36.000
I go through this in my book.
00:33:36.240 --> 00:33:42.720
I I describe this in terms of like people differ in their probabilities of what they how likely a team is to win.
00:33:42.799 --> 00:33:46.640
And the better the odds you offer, the more likely I am to say I think I think that's a winner.
00:33:46.799 --> 00:33:54.079
Now, with a demand curve like that, we can use simple intermediate microeconomics to predict what you should do.
00:33:54.160 --> 00:34:02.240
And what you should do if you're a monopolist, and we've described why the market isn't very competitive, is you should price based on elasticity of demand.
00:34:02.559 --> 00:34:06.960
And that does not predict now that you will always be balancing the books.
00:34:07.039 --> 00:34:10.880
You will be balancing to maximize profit, not to minimize risk.
00:34:11.440 --> 00:34:24.800
And based on parameterizations of those models that fit the data pretty well, that book balancing approach, you would lose you would make profits, but you would make a lot less profit.
00:34:25.519 --> 00:34:32.079
So the reality of of what these books do is they try to maximize their profit.
00:34:32.239 --> 00:34:44.639
They are willing to take a position on a particular game and be exposed to it, knowing that over many, many, many, many games, the law of large numbers is their friend.
00:34:45.440 --> 00:34:58.800
So, you know, if they say we think 70% of the time we're gonna win this bet and we're gonna win it with profit, they're happy to take as much money as comes in on it as long as it's a positive expected value.
00:34:58.960 --> 00:35:13.360
I I even I saw a thing that yesterday that that people were asking the guy that runs the circa sports book in in Vegas why he had a two and a half point line on one team versus three, and he was building up a lot of exposure on on this team.
00:35:13.440 --> 00:35:15.119
And he was just like, we just like the line.
00:35:15.280 --> 00:35:16.159
We just like the line.
00:35:16.239 --> 00:35:35.679
You know, we did we think that that's they they were happy to get lots of money coming on of this uh in and this because from their point of view, they still think this is a positive EV transaction for them, and over many, many, many positive EV transactions, the business isn't nearly as risky as it as it looks in terms of individual.
00:35:35.840 --> 00:35:38.480
No, so you you you stop for a second.
00:35:38.639 --> 00:35:43.920
EV is expected value, which means that we're looking at the probability times the result.
00:35:44.079 --> 00:35:46.639
And line, there's two kinds in betting.
00:35:46.800 --> 00:35:56.639
One is the spread, the number of points, which is only appropriate for some sports, and then the line is the amount that you would have to bet on a favorite to win$100.
00:35:57.280 --> 00:36:00.000
And so that is more directly like a price.
00:36:00.079 --> 00:36:01.760
So I just want to make sure that was understood.
00:36:01.920 --> 00:36:02.559
Please go ahead.
00:36:02.800 --> 00:36:03.360
Yeah, yeah.
00:36:03.440 --> 00:36:13.679
The spread has the spread also has a price of the famous minus 110 is is is a price, but uh you will find the modern sports books are not that keen.
00:36:14.159 --> 00:36:19.199
Look, American betters were trained to bet with point spreads, right?
00:36:19.280 --> 00:36:22.480
The point spread is an American invention, it was invented in Chicago.
00:36:22.800 --> 00:36:25.039
And for basketball and football, it's not implausible.
00:36:25.119 --> 00:36:29.760
There, there's quite a few points for for uh for football, for soccer, it's just dumb.
00:36:29.920 --> 00:36:32.960
There you couldn't possibly have a market like that exists.
00:36:33.039 --> 00:36:37.760
In fact, in fact, the the there's a market called the Asian handicap, which which is funnily enough, big in Asia.
00:36:37.840 --> 00:36:40.719
Uh Asians don't like betting on on draws.
00:36:40.960 --> 00:36:43.440
And so that market exists, and it's very strange.
00:36:43.599 --> 00:36:45.679
I discuss it in the international version of my book.
00:36:45.760 --> 00:36:53.599
It's got half goals and quarter goals, and you're like, wait a minute, whoever scored a quarter has any ever seen, I've never seen a team score a quarter goal, but leave that aside.
00:36:53.840 --> 00:36:56.000
It this is the traditional American way to bet.
00:36:56.079 --> 00:37:08.480
It was invented in Chicago by a guy called Charles Mc Charles McNeil, and it was wildly successful, and there's great stories around it that he got became really successful and he paid his dues to the mob for a while, but eventually they kind of showed up.
00:37:08.559 --> 00:37:12.639
And as as McNeil put it, he said they wanted to go into business with my brain.
00:37:12.880 --> 00:37:22.159
Um and he left Chicago under cover of night and was never was never
seen again, but made a career as a successful, a successful better living in Florida.
00:37:22.239 --> 00:37:24.480
So that's the traditional the traditional way to bet.
00:37:24.559 --> 00:37:28.239
But the modern sports books would prefer you did other kinds of bets.
00:37:28.559 --> 00:37:35.199
And one reason for that is that that pricing model of minus 110 that comes from Vegas.
00:37:35.360 --> 00:37:48.000
Now you can do the mathematics on it, and you can work out for my exam earlier example with the 21, uh the$22 and the and the$1 profit, you can work out that that gets the book about a four and a half percent profit rate, which is fine.
00:37:48.880 --> 00:37:53.599
Because the sum of the implied probabilities exceeds one, and so they they make money for sure.
00:37:53.840 --> 00:37:57.679
Yeah, no, I mean we've got if you go back to my example, they took in 22 and they kept it.
00:37:57.760 --> 00:37:58.880
So so that's that's the that's four.
00:37:59.360 --> 00:38:02.400
Your example was clever because it it's actually one ten and one ten.
00:38:02.639 --> 00:38:06.079
So you you you were careful to to use the the usual formula, thank you.
00:38:06.400 --> 00:38:06.639
Exactly.
00:38:06.719 --> 00:38:13.199
And so so and so it's not people I I describe in the book how to use the odds to back that number out.
00:38:13.440 --> 00:38:24.320
And the the odds, the way they're quoted in the US with the minus one tens and the plus four hundreds, so are it's such a convoluted system that actually a lot of American betters are not are not good at that.
00:38:24.480 --> 00:38:29.119
And so it's one of the first things I teach in the book is try to teach a man how to fish, right?
00:38:29.280 --> 00:38:33.440
How to take the odds, convert them to probabilities, figure out roughly what the bookmakers take is.
00:38:33.599 --> 00:38:39.519
But everybody knows minus 110 is four and a half just from you know living in the world.
00:38:39.840 --> 00:38:42.480
And sportsbooks would like to make more than that.
00:38:42.639 --> 00:38:51.920
So typically the the money line bets on teams to win are more what you see them push, more what you see if they're giving you incentives to bet, it's more of that kind of thing.
00:38:52.079 --> 00:39:10.320
And then in particular, they want you to do these parlays where you parlay multiple different things, and you know, they they can include all sorts of things, you know, Nick's to win by 10, you know, somebody, you know, Jalen to score 35 points and you know, somebody to get 12 defensive rebounds, you know.
00:39:10.719 --> 00:39:12.639
Those are very prop bets.
00:39:13.280 --> 00:39:14.960
So those things are called prop bets.
00:39:15.039 --> 00:39:17.840
And so it's a it's a particular proposition, not the outcome.
00:39:18.159 --> 00:39:22.880
Yeah, they're they're prop bets, and then and those prop bets are are profitable for the books.
00:39:22.960 --> 00:39:35.280
And the way you can find out they're profitable in the books is is you can go and scan and find the historical odds that they've offered on those, but you can also find the data from official MBA sources and NFL and so on.
00:39:35.440 --> 00:39:47.760
So I document in the book that the profit rates for the sports books on those bets are much higher than for than for regular bets and in particular for point spread bets.
00:39:48.000 --> 00:40:02.079
And, you know, again, if you want to push the transaction cost angle on it a little bit, part of the issue is that it's pretty easy for gamblers to do their research and figure out you know, is that four and a half point line in tonight's game about right?
00:40:02.480 --> 00:40:07.599
It's quite a bit harder to figure out how many defensive rebounds you know Wemby's gonna have.
00:40:07.679 --> 00:40:09.760
And then it's even just fun.
00:40:10.960 --> 00:40:18.800
It's even harder to stick them all together and have three of them and they're all correlated, or five of them and they're all correlated.
00:40:19.119 --> 00:40:22.320
And yeah, it is apparently.
00:40:22.800 --> 00:40:34.960
I I don't find it I I I am not susceptible, but apparently it's fun because 10 or 20 percent of the people are having half or more of the total bets, and a lot of them are on pop.
00:40:35.199 --> 00:40:38.800
They're just sitting uh at on the couch hammering their phone.
00:40:39.199 --> 00:40:43.760
Yeah, I mean, there's different there's different schools of of betters, right?
00:40:43.840 --> 00:40:50.800
So somebody whose attitude is just I don't care, I'm just gonna take whatever fun bets I want, they probably shouldn't buy my book.
00:40:51.119 --> 00:40:52.239
I'm an economist.
00:40:52.800 --> 00:40:54.159
I I think they won't.
00:40:54.239 --> 00:40:55.280
I think you're safe.
00:40:55.519 --> 00:40:56.880
I think we're safe, right?
00:40:57.119 --> 00:41:07.199
So, but but there's a universe of people out there who enjoy betting, but they would also like to combine that with with not losing money, or at least by losing less.
00:41:07.519 --> 00:41:24.960
So one of the things that we can do is is look at the is is look at the different kinds of bets and and document, and I think my research is the first to do this in this sort of depth, document which kind of bets you you will lose a bit of money on versus which kinds you will lose a lot of money on.
00:41:25.280 --> 00:41:42.800
And and so and and and what's what's nice is most most of the principles of it come just from saying the bookmakers act act, the sportsbook act acts as firms and people, you know, some way rational, they enjoy the betting and they want to win.
00:41:43.039 --> 00:41:58.400
But you do end up creeping into, and I'm less comfortable with this as an area, but you do end up creeping into behavioral economics and you know, all of the various different you know, Thalerisms.
00:41:59.199 --> 00:42:05.599
As the book goes on, you start to read more about people like Thaler and
uh and their ideas about people, you know.
00:42:05.760 --> 00:42:11.199
So one example is one reason the minus 110 spread survives is fairness.
00:42:11.440 --> 00:42:16.639
Richard often writes about fairness, people lock in on a certain price and they think that price is fair.
00:42:16.800 --> 00:42:30.559
The books don't want to offer minus 110, they're annoyed every time somebody takes a minus, they'll take it because they make money, but they prefer to show you off all these more exciting other complicated moneyline things and parallels and and all of that.
00:42:30.880 --> 00:42:45.119
But there's also just a question about you know, some of I write about in-play betting and how the longer the game goes on, you start to see some bets that are getting worse and worse, in particular if you think the team that's losing is gonna come back.
00:42:45.280 --> 00:42:48.400
That bet gets worse and worse as the game goes on.
00:42:48.639 --> 00:42:51.760
And you know, I I liken it to you know, Danny Kahneman's.
00:42:52.159 --> 00:42:55.920
Better and better from the book's perspective to worse and worse from the gambler's perspective.
00:42:56.320 --> 00:42:58.000
Better and better from the book's perspective.
00:42:58.159 --> 00:43:02.000
So I kind of liken it to you know, like Danny Kahneman's ideas about thinking fast and slow, you know.
00:43:02.320 --> 00:43:02.960
What's the job?
00:43:03.119 --> 00:43:07.920
The job at hand here is judging probabilities, and it requires you to be careful and scientific.
00:43:08.000 --> 00:43:15.599
And you've got this phone and its app is you know changing colors, and you're watching the game and you're worried that the odds are going to move against you.
00:43:15.679 --> 00:43:20.000
And so people people make these decisions with with with their with their gut.
00:43:20.239 --> 00:43:37.360
So I I I I think you can almost see the full universe of behaviors from betters coming from people who are pretty rational, want to win, careful about the odds, and you know, use their sporting knowledge and and maybe don't don't lose so much, or in the odd case, win.
00:43:37.440 --> 00:43:39.760
I mean, those professional betters exist.
00:43:40.559 --> 00:43:49.119
To people who are just using their gut and and their favorite bets turn out to be the ones that the bookmakers you know want them to place.
00:43:49.519 --> 00:43:53.760
So I trying to give people a bit of education surrounding that.
00:43:54.400 --> 00:44:00.719
Well, there's a there's a type of better called the the sharp, that is someone who is in in effect taking Advantage.
00:44:00.880 --> 00:44:08.639
I don't want to stereotype, but my father-in-law, the father of my wife, is from southern Italy several generations back.
00:44:08.719 --> 00:44:14.079
And so there probably were some members of the family that were in the larger family.
00:44:14.480 --> 00:44:16.159
He would sometimes gamble.
00:44:16.320 --> 00:44:24.480
And I was dramatically increased in his estimation when I pointed out to him one night, maybe 20 years ago.
00:44:24.719 --> 00:44:27.920
You know, University of North Carolina never covers.
00:44:28.800 --> 00:44:37.599
And what that means is that there are so many people who are big fans of the University of North Carolina, they will almost always take the bet, regardless of what the line is.
00:44:37.840 --> 00:44:40.480
And so often there's a bias.
00:44:40.639 --> 00:44:45.679
And if there's a bias in the system, the question is, why aren't there enough sharps but betting on the other side?
00:44:45.840 --> 00:44:48.079
And the answer is the price discrimination story.
00:44:48.320 --> 00:44:50.000
I just wanted to give an example of that.
00:44:50.239 --> 00:45:02.079
But the next morning, apparently, he had made a rather sizable bet based on my not very deep insight, and was was much warmer towards me for several days because UNC did not, in fact, cover it.
00:45:02.400 --> 00:45:05.199
Do you know the the the the Justin Wolfers paper about this?
00:45:05.360 --> 00:45:10.559
I mean, and this is it's been documented that heavy favorites tend not tend not to cover.
00:45:10.880 --> 00:45:19.840
And I think Justin put it out there in the world as a sort of a smoking gun for potential max fit ma match fixing.
00:45:20.000 --> 00:45:26.639
Um but the personality there's something wrong with this market, but you've given the explanation.
00:45:26.880 --> 00:45:31.440
Yeah, no, they so the explanation is not, it's not because like it's also in the NFL.
00:45:31.519 --> 00:45:43.679
Now it maybe you can rig a college basketball game, but NFL teams have 53 guys and all the coaches, and if you manage to get them to win by, you know, less than seven but more than three, well, well done, you know.
00:45:44.239 --> 00:46:02.000
So it it it's it's it's that people make the mistake of thinking that the price always somehow is a cor is a is a statistically correct probability, and it's not, it's a price set by a firm in a market with customers, and the customers on one side want to buy this, yeah.
00:46:02.159 --> 00:46:04.400
So so so so I discussed this in the book.
00:46:04.639 --> 00:46:11.519
Betting overs on anything, but particularly big favorites and emotional favorites that people love.
00:46:11.840 --> 00:46:20.719
Um the worst prop bets are to bet that the most famous players, the worst prop bet is to bet that LeBron James will score over 30 points and and and that kind of thing.
00:46:21.039 --> 00:46:27.199
Unders, on the other hand, that doesn't mean that the under bet makes you money, right?
00:46:27.360 --> 00:46:35.920
Because they didn't why would the bookmaker offer so they offer bad prices on the over and the under slightly, you know, or they're definitely less bad.
00:46:36.239 --> 00:46:49.519
The other thing with with betting unders is if you show up online with your new sports book account and you know a bunch of your first few bets that you're taking
the under, you'll get profiled.
00:46:50.000 --> 00:46:54.079
And you act like that long enough, and they'll just they'll limit you.
00:46:54.239 --> 00:46:55.920
If you start winning, they'll cut you out.
00:46:56.000 --> 00:47:02.400
So the big issue with sharp betters and legal sportsbooks is that the legal sportsbooks it's it's a consenting transaction.
00:47:02.480 --> 00:47:03.679
They don't have to take their money.
00:47:04.000 --> 00:47:06.000
They will decline to take your business.
00:47:06.320 --> 00:47:07.679
Yeah, they just don't take their business.
00:47:07.760 --> 00:47:15.440
So if you if you hear professional betters that discuss their business, most of them don't want to discuss their business, but there's always some.
00:47:15.760 --> 00:47:29.440
So like Rufus Peabody is the famous American sports better, and Rufus talks about how he uh you know has a a series of uh uh mules that go and place bets for him and they try to use other people's accounts.
00:47:29.519 --> 00:47:34.719
Maybe if you've had accounts that's been losing for a long time, that it'll take a while before they identify.
00:47:34.880 --> 00:47:37.599
But of course, what does that mean for Rufus?
00:47:37.920 --> 00:47:40.000
It means loads of transaction costs.
00:47:40.800 --> 00:47:49.440
So so he's gotta be so he doesn't just have to be able to win, he has to be able to win and pay off all the team as well.
00:47:49.599 --> 00:47:53.119
And the winning logic requires a lot of quantitative modeling.
00:47:53.679 --> 00:48:06.400
So typically those guys are struggled to get enough down with with legal sports books to make a living, which you know this might be a good transaction point.
00:48:06.559 --> 00:48:08.960
You know what these guys are really excited about today?
00:48:09.199 --> 00:48:12.639
It's not betting with sports books, it's prediction markets.
00:48:12.960 --> 00:48:18.880
And we moved, you are a segue meister because it is time for us to move to prediction markets.
00:48:19.039 --> 00:48:22.800
What are prediction markets and why isn't this just gambling?
00:48:23.679 --> 00:48:29.280
I'm pretty happy to say that prediction markets are just gambling because they meet the definition that I that I raised earlier.
00:48:29.360 --> 00:48:32.480
There's there they're they're they're zero sum, including the market itself.
00:48:32.719 --> 00:48:36.480
If the market takes a fee, then then they're negative sum for the participants.
00:48:36.719 --> 00:48:38.159
So I think it is gambling.
00:48:38.400 --> 00:48:42.480
I think but on the Venn diagram, prediction markets are a subset of gambling.
00:48:42.559 --> 00:48:45.199
There's a lot of gambling that's not prediction markets.
00:48:47.119 --> 00:48:52.239
You know, most of sports is about predict predicting things.
00:48:52.400 --> 00:49:05.440
I I but the the the the the defining feature of the prediction markets relative to most betting is prediction markets are bilateral exchanges.
00:49:06.000 --> 00:49:08.719
It's not there isn't a single central book.
00:49:09.039 --> 00:49:16.880
It's you come onto the site and there's an offer there from somebody, and you can choose to accept that offer or decline that offer.
00:49:16.960 --> 00:49:20.400
And you can be the person that makes the offer or you could be the person that takes the offer.
00:49:20.559 --> 00:49:27.440
So all the site is doing is they're taking a transactions fee for so they they sort of are a broker.
00:49:27.519 --> 00:49:28.480
It is if they are a broker.
00:49:28.719 --> 00:49:31.519
They are a broker, yes, they are a broker, exactly.
00:49:31.599 --> 00:49:32.880
And that's that's the difference.
00:49:33.039 --> 00:49:47.760
Now that that type of market dates back originally to the Iowa electronic markets uh that were run at the University of Iowa in the early late 1980s.
00:49:48.000 --> 00:50:08.079
And I think a lot of the positive buzz around prediction markets reflects that academic origin, which is the academics at the University of Iowa showed that this very limited thing, and again, transaction costs are a big issue.
00:50:08.400 --> 00:50:10.800
You you you couldn't gamble more than$500.
00:50:11.119 --> 00:50:15.360
So this wasn't worth anyone in Wall Street or whatever, this wasn't worth their time.
00:50:15.519 --> 00:50:21.920
And you had to, at least the early versions of it, you had to like go to a room in the University of Iowa and log on the computer and so on.
00:50:22.000 --> 00:50:24.000
So it was loads and loads of transaction costs.
00:50:24.159 --> 00:50:30.800
Most of the participants were University of Iowa staff and students, but it turned out they were very good predicting elections.
00:50:31.199 --> 00:50:35.039
In the sense of being accurate, that they were at least as accurate as polls.
00:50:35.360 --> 00:50:37.199
They were at least as accurate as polls.
00:50:37.360 --> 00:50:44.400
And so a sort of a legend grew up around these prediction markets that that there was this great wisdom of crowds out there.
00:50:44.559 --> 00:50:48.880
And and you know, sports was sometimes used as an example, right?
00:50:49.039 --> 00:50:51.840
Because the odds they're not perfect.
00:50:51.920 --> 00:51:10.400
We've already discussed examples in which they're not perfect, but because the betting odds are good predictors of outcomes, even for you know quite complex things like what the line should be in a baseball game and so on, people say, well, we we can we there must be all sorts of other things out there where we can tap into the public's useful knowledge.
00:51:10.639 --> 00:51:16.239
So you had books, uh Suraweki's book, The Wisdom of Crowds, Cass Sunstein had a book.
00:51:16.320 --> 00:51:30.800
There was a letter in science asking that these things be have regulations lifted on them, because they they they were and are deemed to be futures contracts and therefore under the purview of the of the CFTC.
00:51:32.719 -->
00:51:39.840
We can come to Calci and the CFTC's, you know, CF CFTC is the Commodities Futures Trading Commission.
00:51:40.239 --> 00:51:55.119
It is, and so so it's it it it has been deemed that if I and you agree that if event X happens next month, you will pay me money, and if it doesn't happen, I will pay you money.
00:51:55.280 --> 00:52:06.000
That the the the the law in the United States views that as akin to the old contracts for bushels of wheat or pigs' bellies and all that sort of stuff.
00:52:06.159 --> 00:52:08.320
That's the way it's been it's been viewed.
00:52:08.639 --> 00:52:14.639
And so there's a lot of excitement around about prediction markets and the wisdom of crowds and all of that.
00:52:14.960 --> 00:52:29.679
I'm a little less less excited about that in the sense that I've done a lot of research on basically the same type of market, it is the same type of market, only in the UK and in the rest of the world they call them exchanges.
00:52:29.760 --> 00:52:31.360
They're betting exchanges.
00:52:32.320 --> 00:52:35.920
And a couple of things about betting betting exchanges.
00:52:36.159 --> 00:52:39.840
One is what do people want to bet on?
00:52:40.079 --> 00:52:42.079
It's sports, right?
00:52:42.880 --> 00:52:52.079
If it was politics or the weather, then I mean the company that runs that owns Betfair Exchange, the biggest exchange, is Flutter, Inc.
00:52:52.320 --> 00:52:55.519
They're actually based here in Dublin and they own FanDuel.
00:52:56.159 --> 00:53:10.079
So if they thought that people were wild for betting on politics or corporate CEO appointments or the Oscars, trust me, they would be running those markets in Europe.
00:53:10.960 --> 00:53:16.880
But as it is, it turns out most people aren't interested in in betting on those markets.
00:53:17.119 --> 00:53:26.400
And actually, if you look at the exchange model, I personally think the exchange model is better for customers than the bookmaker model.
00:53:26.639 --> 00:53:55.360
There isn't a centralized book looking to you know screw you over essentially by offering you bad odds, by taking out the middleman and the fact that there have typically in the UK been multiple such exchanges, that has managed to compete the fees in the UK and parts of the rest of the world down to a pretty low number so that they're taking less out of the pot than the typical bookmaker's margin.
00:53:55.760 --> 00:53:56.079
Okay.
00:53:56.559 --> 00:54:06.159
So I I think those exchanges are better, but in practice they only have about 10% of the market in Europe.
00:54:07.280 --> 00:54:12.079
And again, transaction costs turn out to be a big reason.
00:54:12.639 --> 00:54:17.039
If you fire them up and you take a look at the web page, it looks complicated.
00:54:17.519 --> 00:54:22.000
You look at a bookmaker, sportsbook app, you say, I want to bend the Knicks.
00:54:22.480 --> 00:54:23.760
That's how much it is for the Knicks.
00:54:24.000 --> 00:54:24.559
What's the line?
00:54:24.639 --> 00:54:25.599
It's this, it's that.
00:54:25.760 --> 00:54:27.360
You click press and you're done.
00:54:27.840 --> 00:54:38.079
The apps, the other the exchanges, you go on, there's multiple different prices, and under those prices, there's there's like dollar amounts or pound amounts in the UK.
00:54:38.320 --> 00:54:48.000
And so it's like, okay, I can get five to one in Liverpool, but the number under says 20 pounds at that price.
00:54:48.239 --> 00:54:54.159
So I want to bet 50 pounds, I get 20 pounds at that price, and then something else happens with the with the rest.
00:54:54.880 --> 00:54:56.719
That's if you're taking, right?
00:54:56.800 --> 00:54:59.199
So it's a little bit more complicated than with a bookmaker.
00:54:59.280 --> 00:55:01.920
But the other way to do is to go on and make an offer.
00:55:02.159 --> 00:55:10.880
And then, so if you do that, you know, let's say you're making that offer of the five, five to one on Liverpool, you make a 20 euro offer.
00:55:10.960 --> 00:55:17.360
Then there's not 20 on offer anymore, there's 40 on offer, but you're behind the first guy in the queue, right?
00:55:17.440 --> 00:55:19.519
So there's a there's a queuing system.
00:55:19.760 --> 00:55:24.400
So that might that offer might get accepted, or it might not.
00:55:24.880 --> 00:55:30.880
So because the prices could have somebody else could offer 5.1, and then the five is the five is gone.
00:55:31.199 --> 00:55:37.280
So for all those reasons, retail betters just don't really like this.
00:55:37.679 --> 00:55:50.639
They don't like that it's more complicated, they don't like that they might be restricted on how much money they can get down, they don't like placing a bet and not even knowing if your bet actually happened and how to check.
00:55:51.199 --> 00:55:52.719
It is more like it's like eBay.
00:55:52.800 --> 00:55:55.599
It it is it is like the eBay sort of exchange.
00:55:56.000 --> 00:55:58.320
It it is it was it it's it was like eBay.
00:55:58.400 --> 00:56:02.960
The the big difference is that somebody could post like a thousand pounds, right?
00:56:03.039 --> 00:56:07.760
So you you you you get these big professional betters on bedfair, and they'll come in and say, I'll offer a thousand pounds on that.
00:56:07.920 --> 00:56:21.280
That can a bookmaker, but uh a BetFair exchange, that thousand can sit there, and then one person can take twenty of it, and another person can take a hundred, and another person can take fifteen, and so on.
00:56:21.440 --> 00:56:24.079
So, so they're providing liquidity into the market.
00:56:24.320 --> 00:56:34.239
In fact, interesting, this is the the difference between Bet Betfair and the original company that it was competitive with, which weirdly enough was called Flutter.
00:56:34.719 --> 00:56:38.880
And Flutter had lots of venture capital backing, and they got to the market first.
00:56:38.960 --> 00:56:42.239
They were the first with this product of two people can
agree to bet.
00:56:42.719 --> 00:56:44.480
But their model was eBay.
00:56:44.639 --> 00:56:54.000
I would come on and say, I'm willing to offer three to one on Liverpool to win, and I'm I'm I'm I'm willing to take a bet for£150.
00:56:54.800 --> 00:57:07.599
But literally, somebody on the other side had to come in and offer precisely the£150 to take that up, and so there wasn't a book with the liquidity being gradually filled, and it was clunky.
00:57:08.320 --> 00:57:21.280
And they the it was totally decentralized in terms of who could make the offers, who could whereas Betfair came in and said we're running markets on these events, and you can only offer certain prices.
00:57:21.360 --> 00:57:30.000
There's a you can't offer like like when I said five was an offer, you can't offer 5.001 because they don't allow that, right?
00:57:30.079 --> 00:57:31.920
Yeah, because the market becomes too thin.
00:57:32.159 --> 00:57:38.559
So you can you there's there's a there's a little thing you can notch it up and you can say I'll offer 5.1, let's say.
00:57:38.800 --> 00:57:48.960
So that was all done to get there to be lots of liquidity, which meant people who are serious about transacting could put down serious money.
00:57:49.280 --> 00:57:59.920
And also those that came in and just wanted to be takers rather than makers would would would find lots of offers rather than have to go looking for lots of different guys with different uh different obscure offers.
00:58:00.079 --> 00:58:02.719
So that was so Bedfair became a huge success.
00:58:02.800 --> 00:58:13.599
They merged with Flutter, and Bedfair were later bought by Patty Power, Inc., which is an Irish bookmaker, and and they they took the name Flutter and branded it across the whole the whole company.
00:58:13.679 --> 00:58:20.480
So Flutter was reborn again, but it's a great example of transaction costs and market design.
00:58:20.960 --> 00:58:24.320
Getting that right is is the important thing.
00:58:24.559 --> 00:58:31.760
And so when people are all excited about modern prediction markets, I'm like, look, we've had these for 20 years.
00:58:32.079 --> 00:58:35.920
The only thing people want to bet on, by and large, is sports.
00:58:36.800 --> 00:58:47.199
And the interface is and the complexity of the market puts most people off, and most people prefer to bet at sports books.
00:58:47.519 --> 00:58:51.360
But look, everything is a little bit different in the United States, right?
00:58:51.679 --> 00:58:58.480
But once Calci got I I again, you are a Segway Meister that in the interest of time we'd better wrap up soon.
00:58:58.559 --> 00:59:01.440
But Calci is the thing that I wanted to ask about.
00:59:01.840 --> 00:59:02.079
Yeah.
00:59:02.239 --> 00:59:07.519
So Calci decided to to go to the CFTC to get regulated, right?
00:59:07.679 --> 00:59:16.880
The the legal framework is that this is a futures contract, and they were the first people to go and lobby and fill out the forms and get the paperwork approved.
00:59:16.960 --> 00:59:24.320
That yes, you're a futures contract market, and there aren't restrictions like the$500 restriction in terms of the University of Iowa.
00:59:24.559 --> 00:59:27.760
It's federally mandated across all of the US.
00:59:28.000 --> 00:59:33.920
Of course, at the start, Cashey said, Well, we won't do politics and we won't do sport because we think that that's not legal.
00:59:34.079 --> 00:59:37.199
We think that those those are those are outside the framework.
00:59:37.679 --> 00:59:45.360
And so they were a modestly successful business until then they started offering politics contracts.
00:59:45.599 --> 00:59:53.519
They won a case to be allowed to do so in court, and that seemed to loosen them up a bit.
00:59:53.760 --> 00:59:57.599
And then two things happened pretty much simultaneously.
00:59:57.840 --> 01:00:03.760
One was they started offering sports contracts, and the other was Donald Trump Jr.
01:00:03.920 --> 01:00:07.760
joined the board of both Calci and their competitor Polymarket.
01:00:08.239 --> 01:00:14.159
The CFTC had heavily opposed the politics markets being offered.
01:00:14.559 --> 01:00:16.159
So what what year was that?
01:00:18.079 --> 01:00:19.760
2020 2024.
01:00:20.000 --> 01:00:20.960
So 2024.
01:00:21.360 --> 01:00:22.320
Early last year, early last year.
01:00:22.960 --> 01:00:23.440
Quite recent.
01:00:23.599 --> 01:00:24.239
Quite recent.
01:00:24.639 --> 01:00:25.440
Recent, yeah.
01:00:25.519 --> 01:00:26.000
Yeah.
01:00:26.239 --> 01:00:29.519
So so the so the so the first year of the of the of the Trump presidency.
01:00:29.599 --> 01:00:41.360
Because the market they wanted to run, the market they wanted to run was was the presidential market, but poly market was this illegal, offshore, unlicensed market, and they were getting loads of money.
01:00:41.599 --> 01:00:45.519
So they wanted to run that market, and and then were successfully able to do so.
01:00:45.599 --> 01:00:51.039
And then they're like, well, we know we said we wouldn't do sports, but we're happy we want to do sports now.
01:00:51.280 --> 01:00:55.679
And as I'm sure you're aware, all hell broke loose, right?
01:00:55.840 --> 01:01:03.199
Because we've just talked about passport repeal and how it's a state, it was a passport was repealed on states' rights.
01:01:03.360 --> 01:01:06.880
So the states have the rights to offer these markets.
01:01:07.039 --> 01:01:11.599
And the states have set them all up with their own state-level tax regime.
01:01:11.760 --> 01:01:19.119
In most cases, for the states, the appeal was it's happening anyway, and we might as well tax it to make money.
01:01:19.440 --> 01:01:39.840
So you've got the states earning, you know, non-significant amounts of money from this, and suddenly there's this business offering event contracts on sports that allow people to bet on sports, and they're in 50 states, including most importantly, Texas and California, which have not
legalized.
01:01:40.000 --> 01:01:42.880
So there's no legalized sports books in Texas and California.
01:01:43.280 --> 01:01:58.400
So there's a lot of vested interests against Calci, versus on the other hand, Calci clearly have the support of the Calci and prediction markets more generally, clearly have the support of the Trump administration.
01:01:58.559 --> 01:02:06.639
So if this goes to the Supreme Court, you're going to see two sort of you know conservative themes run right into each other, right?
01:02:06.800 --> 01:02:14.159
One theme is that it's states' rights and states should have the right to regulate sports gambling, and the other is the Trump administration wants this.
01:02:14.880 --> 01:02:20.480
I I don't know where those two where those two things are are going to end up.
01:02:20.880 --> 01:02:28.719
But you my my my concern, just in terms of when I look at the market valuations for all these prediction market firms, it's like it's almost like they're all being priced.
01:02:28.880 --> 01:02:34.000
Like A, the Supreme Court's going to say it's all okay, and B, they're all going to be winners.
01:02:34.719 --> 01:02:38.960
Whereas the evidence from the UK was basically there was one winner.
01:02:39.199 --> 01:02:44.320
The guys that had the best market design and the best interface and the most liquidity were able to win.
01:02:44.400 --> 01:02:52.000
So I don't anticipate all these sports books now, all these prediction markets that people see advertising all over the place, Sydney Sweeney and Novig and all that sort of stuff like that.
01:02:52.159 --> 01:02:57.599
Most of those guys are going to go to the wall and there'll be a smaller prediction market business.
01:02:58.000 --> 01:03:01.280
With I think most of its business mainly focused on sports.
01:03:02.719 --> 01:03:06.559
The stuff you've you've probably seen, because you alluded earlier to to hedging.
01:03:06.719 --> 01:03:13.920
So, you know, Cal She talk about, they give examples of oh, you know, Rizzo's bar outside Wrigley Field.
01:03:14.000 --> 01:03:18.320
And if the Cubs don't win in the playoffs, then Rizzos will lose out on income.
01:03:18.480 --> 01:03:23.760
And so we've got a bespoke contract with Rizzo's that pays out if the Cubs don't win.
01:03:23.920 --> 01:03:29.119
I'm like, well, Rizzo could have gotten his own bespoke contract called Betting Against the Cubbies on FanDuel.
01:03:29.440 --> 01:03:29.840
Yeah.
01:03:30.559 --> 01:03:37.679
You know, only I think the fans that would show up at Rizzo's bar would say, Hey Rizzo, is it true you're betting against the cubbies?
01:03:38.159 --> 01:03:40.480
We're gonna take our business to some other guy.
01:03:40.719 --> 01:03:47.599
So there are very, very few real hedging needs related to sports.
01:03:48.400 --> 01:03:51.840
And these are these are really just gambling contracts.
01:03:51.920 --> 01:03:55.599
There's no reason to to to to to say otherwise.
01:03:57.280 --> 01:04:17.679
Well, I I appreciate your insights about this because this, like a lot of institutional economics, there's first it just seems mysterious, then you have a rather simple story, and then if you look at the actual institutions that smart people have come up with over time, it's much more complicated and interesting than that.
01:04:18.000 --> 01:04:23.519
Where could people find your book and how can we learn more about you?
01:04:24.000 --> 01:04:24.320
Sure.
01:04:24.400 --> 01:04:29.119
I learn more about me by typing my name into Google, and there's a www.carlwheeland.com.
01:04:29.360 --> 01:04:30.159
The book's on Amazon.
01:04:30.400 --> 01:04:33.199
And Wheeland is W-H-E-L-A-N.
01:04:33.760 --> 01:04:35.039
W-H-E-L-A-N.
01:04:35.280 --> 01:04:39.440
The book's on Amazon, but it can also be ordered from other booksellers.
01:04:39.519 --> 01:04:40.320
It's available.
01:04:40.480 --> 01:04:46.320
You you give your bookstore the ISBN number that you'll find in my website, and they'll they'll get it for you.
01:04:47.039 --> 01:04:55.119
Carl, I really appreciate you having appeared on the answer is transactions cost today, and I wish you good luck playing that piano.
01:04:55.760 --> 01:04:56.960
Thanks, Mike.
01:04:58.800 --> 01:05:06.079
All right, we are out, and I will I I'm always terrified about getting this, so I have stopped recording.
01:05:06.159 --> 01:05:07.360
It did, in fact, the recording.