TRANSCRIPT 🔗
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Hey, you're listening to the on the Media Midweek podcast.
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I'm mikeah Lowinger. On Monday, President Trump announced a proposed
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expansion to the refugee program to allow ten thousand more
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people into the country, up from a record low of
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seventy five hundred refugee admissions. For context, before twenty seventeen,
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the average annual cap for Republican and Democratic administrations was
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ninety five thousand. But there's a caveat here. Trump's new
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ten thousand refugees will consist solely of Afrikaners white South Africans,
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a group that the Trump administration claims faces racial persecution
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in their home country. We reported on this story exactly
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a year ago when the first round of Afrikaners were
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on their way to these shores.
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The first group of white South Africans granted refugee status
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by the Trump administration arrived in the US Monday. The
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group included forty nine Africaners, which is an ethnic group
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in South Africa made up of descendants of European colonists.
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The United States really rejects the egregious persecution of people
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on the basis of race in South Africa, and we
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welcome these people to the United.
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States Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau last May, answering
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a question from the BBC about why Afrikaners and not
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people from say, war zones, have been granted refugee status.
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The criteria are making sure that refugees did not pose
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any challenge to our national security and that they could
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be assimilated easily into our country. And all of these
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folks who have just come in today have been carefully
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vetted pursuing to.
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Us assimilated easily right. Multiple outlets at the time reported
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that one of these carefully vetted Afrikaaners had posted on
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x in twenty twenty three that quote Jews are untrustworthy
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and a dangerous group. This despite a Department of Homeland
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Security policy that tismitic activity on social media could lead
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to a rejected immigration request.
Load full transcript
But as we've been told,
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the safe refuge of Afrikaaners is an urgent matter.
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It's a genocide. That's second place that you people.
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Don't want to write about.
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President Donald Trump last May.
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Farmers are being killed. They happen to be white. But
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whether they're white or black makes no difference to me.
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But white farmers are being brutally killed and the land
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is being confiscated in South Africa.
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There's been a problem with violent crime in South Africa.
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Let's put that out there first.
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But this idea that white farm owners are particularly victimized
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doesn't play out if we look at the police statistics.
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So where does this myth come from?
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Carolyn Holmes is a professor of political science at the
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University of Tennessee Knoxville, where she specializes in South African nationalism.
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When I spoke to her last May, she had been
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tracking the year's long pr campaign behind the white genocide narrative.
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A series of activist groups have really made this their
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central cause. There's a really easy way to make statistics
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look more powerful, and that's to mess around with who
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actually counts as a white farm owner, who actually counts
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as the victims that they're concerned about.
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I read one piece in Al Jazeera that, even looking
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at data provided by some of these African or advocacy groups,
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the supposed proof showed that just about sixty farmers across
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all races are killed each year in a country where
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there are some nineteen thousand murders annually. That doesn't make
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a strong case.
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No, It doesn't.
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Full time residents of commercial farms, regardless of race, are
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actually statistically significantly less likely to experience violent crime than
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their urban and pery urban counterparts in South Africa. These
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activist communities have foregrounded this idea of white victimization by
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picking out a very small number of stories and continually
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focusing on them. They tend to be stories with incredibly
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sympathetic victims. They say, look at this particularly horrifying case
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that happened in twenty eighteen, and it's like, well, okay,
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that was seven years ago. Those folks were brought to trial,
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The people who perpetrated that, they're all serving.
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Time, those that were convicted.
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This is not misinformation in the way that we've traditionally
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thought about it, where we can correct it by saying, oh,
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but that's factually incorrect. I can hold up every statistic
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in the world saying, you know, white people are not
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significantly more likely to be targeted. But the story has
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become so real that it has resulted in forty nine
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people leaving their home and coming to Texas.
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We've made reference to some of these activist groups, you
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call them white rights groups. Who are they?
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There's a lot of them.
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So we have groups like EFRE Forum, we have groups
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like the Uranium Movement. We have more militant groups like
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the AWB. They historically have focused on things like language
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rights and self defense training and neighborhood watch patrols, and
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some would call it vigil anti activity. They've recently pivoted
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to specifically talking about rural security and quote unquote farm murders, partially,
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I think because it's been so successful for them in
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the international arena.
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And to advance the narrative of this disproportionate violence levied
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against them. Some of these africanric groups have pointed to
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a Cosa anti apartheid song Yeah, which they say explicitly
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calls for the killing of white farmers. The South African
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courts have weighed in on this. Elon Musk and Marco
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Rubio have posted about it repeatedly on X Tell Me
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about It.
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Right.
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Shoot the Boor is what that song is, and it
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was a struggle song. It was part of the anti
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apartheid movement. That this is a song that was sung
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--> 00:06:03.120
in the context of an armed struggle against a white
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minority regime. So it's very controversial. It's sung sometimes in plosa,
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sometimes in Zulu, and it was particularly brought to the
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forefront by a politician by the name of Julius Malema.
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He was then the leader of the ANC Youth League.
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He sung it at a rally, got a lot of
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people fired up about this in twenty ten, the first
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time that made a lot of international headlines. There was
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also a farm killing of a far right Africaner leader,
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Eugene terre Blanche, and so a lot of people sort
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of paired those two events and said, look, this is
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evidence this is a causal connection between singing the song
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and violence against white people, and it was ruled to
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be a form of hate speech in twenty ten, although
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that ruling was then overturned in twenty twenty two.
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Other folks like Julius Malema, who has now.
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Been kicked out of the ANC and has his own
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political party, has said, this is a legitimate part of
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our struggle history and we need to be able to
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honor the people that fought for our freedom.
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Of course, the reason that we're speaking is that the
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Trump administration has elevated the grievances and claims of some
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of these Africaner groups, including AfriForum. How and when did
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they first get the president's year.
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So in the first Trump administration, a lot of these
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white rights groups saw an opportunity, and so AfriForum, one
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of the major groups that have forwarded this idea of
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white victimhood, came to the United States in twenty eighteen.
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They were wildly successful.
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They got meetings with people like rand Paul Ted Cruz,
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They posted a photo on their social media of a
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meeting with John Bolton in the White House, and in
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probably the biggest pr coup, they landed a sort of
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primetime spot on Tucker Carlson's show.
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Well Now was a fascinating and significant story. The media
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have all but ignored. An embattled minority of farmers, mostly
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Afrikaans speaking, is being targeted in a way of of
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barbaric and horrifying murders.
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Basic thing that you can do to help us is
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to talk about this, to talk about it on public platforms,
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and in that way to continue to put piti on
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the sid African governments to tell the truth.
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I agree Ustry.
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In the wake of that Tucker Carlson interview, we have
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the first Trump tweet in twenty eighteen.
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Trump writes that he's asked his secretary of State Mike
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Pompeio to closely study the South Africa land and farm
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seizures and the large scale killing of farmers.
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What were they advocating for on this tour exactly?
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So that's an interesting question because aside from international attention,
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they didn't necessarily have a policy prescription that was embedded
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in these tours. What they said is we need attention,
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we need help, maybe we need some sort of international
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diplomatic pressure, we need possibly something like capacity building for
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the South African police forces.
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Fast forward to the present. Policy did come out of
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this tour ultimately, yes.
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With the executive order that outlines this refugee status for africaners.
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The fascinating thing is that it was met with deep
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ambivalence by these activist communities that had worked so hard
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to put this issue item on the agenda of President
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Trump and his administration.
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Refugee status wasn't really on their wish.
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List, not at all, and they have repeatedly said so
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since February.
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We want not to be refugees in another man's country.
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Asturnia Movement say, if someone wants to help help us, he.
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Yea and Strut's the guy who was on Fox News
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with Tucker. Carlson was interviewed by The New York Times
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and he said, I'm not sure I know anybody that
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wants
to be a refugee.
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We like America, we regard ourselves as friends of America,
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but we want a future for our community.
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Yeah, in the southern tip of the African continent.
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One of the current leaders of afri Forum, Cali Kreole, said,
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quote Afrikaaners, let me be clear, cannot survive as a
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cultural community in the US or any other country. What
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they want is more power in South Africa exactly.
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And so interestingly, there was a song that AfriForum produced
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in late twenty twenty four called the Maksua.
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The Afrikaner does this.
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The Afrikaner Masura, and it's all it's talking all about
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how we live here. We're from here, this is our home,
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this is where we speak our language. They're desperately trying
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to establish legitimacy in South Africa, right, So the question
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is what do you do when you've achieved this objective
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that you never set out to achieve, that is wildly unpopular,
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and you're still trying to operate in that country.
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These groups are sort of like.
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A dog that caught a car, but they caught the
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car that they weren't chasing. They were trying to get attention,
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They were even trying to get sanctions.
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They were never trying to get refugee status that they have.
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It how that affects them domestically is a really big
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problem for them.
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Another kind of lost in translation quality to all this
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is that people like Elon Musk, even Donald Trump, have
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been using the term white genocide to describe these exaggerated
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claims of violence against white farmers. That term white genocide,
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it's pretty taboo in South Africa, right, and it's pretty
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taboo among the groups making some of these claims.
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No, it is.
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The term white genocide is a kind of a third
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rail in South African politics. Afriftum has very carefully walked
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a line around never saying those words in that order.
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And in fact, the only groups that
are making genocide
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type claims are paramilitary groups in South Africa. They don't
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command a lot of public support, but they exist. These
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most extreme claims come from a non resident population, and
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in fact they primarily come from a non Afrikaans population too.
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Elon Musk is not an africaner, he is an English
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South African.
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Is it fair to say that white genocide is akin
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to the kind of white supremacist idea of the great
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replacement theory in the United States.
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Absolutely.
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This sort of cross pollination of racist ideology between the
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United States and South Africa goes much further, though than
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white supremacist forums.
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It seems like every so often there will be a
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cataclysm of violence, like Dylan ruf Kenning mass murder in Charleston,
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South Carolina, wearing an apartheid era flag on his jacket,
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and people will say, what does that have to do
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with anything? And what I want to say is that
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this conversation has been happening. It's been happening for a century.
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The United States and South Africa have been intertwined sort
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of since South Africa became a single country. And there
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is this attention by particularly a philanthropic class of Americans,
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people like Andrew Carnegie, who said, what South Africa needs
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is the same thing that the US South needs.
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It needs a welfare state to lift up white.
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People, and it needs institutional segregation. And so this took
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the form of a variety of laws in South Africa.
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So the Land Act, the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act,
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et cetera. And all of these were state efforts to
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define a population of whites that would then be the
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beneficiaries of welfare state programs in the service of making
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sure that white people didn't quote fall below their racial station.
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In what ways did South Africans look to Jim Crow
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era the United States for inspiration on their end.
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So one of those pieces of legislation that I had
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spoke about, the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act, which was
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a bedrock of what was then the nascent apartheid government,
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has as its first appendix a list of US states,
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not just in the South in fact, but across the
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Union that had more restrictive covenants on interracial marriage than
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the one that was being proposed in South Africa.
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So it was very much a look, we can't be
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the bad guys. Look at what they're doing over there.
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So there's this trading off of respectability, trading off of
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ideas about how to define whiteness, how to institute segregation
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across the Atlantic Ocean throughout the twentieth century.
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These africaner groups, they didn't ask for refugee status. There's
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no proof for the white genocide conspiracy theory. What does
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the Trump administration get from this stunt?
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This is a cause that many of his most fringe
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supporters believe in deep In many ways, the Afrikaans community
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has been made a sort of ping pong ball in
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the conversation about immigration here in a way that.
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Is profoundly dehumanizing.
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You know, they're not actually interested in engaging with the
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politics on the ground in South Africa. There is an
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effort to say, look at these folks who have been
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victimized when they let majority rule happen. We can't let
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ourselves be replaced.
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Carolyn Holmes is an assistant professor of political science at
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the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Carolyn, thank you very much.
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Thank you so much for having me. It's been great.
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That's it for the podcast Extra. Do not forget to
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listen to The Big Show on Friday to hear the
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fourth and final episode of American Emergency, The Movement to
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Kill FEMA. We've been working on this series for a
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really long time. We're super excited about the finale. We're
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going out with the bang. And if you haven't caught
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the first US three you can check them out in
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the OTM podcast feed or on on themedia dot org.
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See you then, I'm Michael Lollinger.
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