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Hello and welcome to Varmblog.
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And I am back here with Matt McManus, who's been on, I don't know, four or five times at this point.
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You're one of my earliest guests, actually.
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I was looking back at that.
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You were one of the first three.
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Um yeah, that makes sense.
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I think it was back in 2020 when I was still living in Ann Arbor.
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And yeah, we were still in the middle of uh, you know, everyone telling us that Joe Biden was the future of the Democratic Party.
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It's neat stuff.
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Yeah, I love when people tell me that 80-year-olds are the future.
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So you're an author, political scientist, and theorist, and the dreaded A-word academic.
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Uh, your assistant professor of political science at Spellman, and you used to teach the University of Michigan.
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I did actually.
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Uh, one of the great regrets that I've been thinking about the last week is Michigan was really the place to be this week.
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If you think about all the big electoral wins for socialists, and uh it would have been something to be there and see it since I live right downtown Detroit.
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But it is interesting to me where those electoral runs are happening because most of them follow what the predictable pattern of highly progressive urban enclaves, but Michigan does not, and that's very interesting.
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And I don't think the numbers make it look like it was all just like the Muslim areas around Dearborn.
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So it's it's gonna be interesting to see where that goes.
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And actually, the polls were wrong for both parties, which was crazy, like very wrong.
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It's gonna be interesting.
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Oh, yeah.
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I mean, um, I'll say you did definitely do very well with educated Arab and elites, right?
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I mean, Washab County where Ann Arbor is and the University of Michigan.
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I saw one district where uh you got 100% of the vote, uh at least early in the night, right?
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But you know, Michigan is also a very odd state in that you have the most progressive in the entire country, Rashida Talib, who had a blowout win in Detroit, but Detroit by and large went for Haley Stevens uh for a lot of different reasons, right?
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So you can never know which way you know the Minton State is gonna go.
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Yeah, uh that's true for a lot of the upper Midwest, like Wisconsin, Minnesota.
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Sometimes I feel like I'm flipping a coin.
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But anyway, uh so we're here to talk about two of your books, Analytical Marxism and Democratic Socialism in the 21st century, and your sequel to your to your prior book, The Political Theory of Liberal Socialism, which was a more academic book.
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This one's more of a an apologia, really.
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Yeah, that was right, um, which came out from repeater this year.
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What is liberal socialism?
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And you know, you've you've offered a bunch of other books or chapters in other books, but ones relevant to the day may be the political theory of liberal socialism, which we've already done an episode on, and the rise of postmodernism, conservative, conservatism, and political right and equality, which we have also done episodes on at least one of those.
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So I'll be asking you questions that kind of mix up this, and I will just say my biases I've said every time you and I get along very well.
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I am very supportive of your projects, but sometimes I feel like you write books specifically to make me have a heart attack.
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Um what I'm thinking about when I'm typing it, I'm like, you know, this is really gonna piss you know burn off.
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Maybe just like accentuate it a little more, repeat it a bit, just to really dug the knife in there.
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Yeah.
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Uh you're lucky you didn't get a chapter in my book.
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All right.
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But anyway, so that aside, uh let's go straight into it.
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So, and and what is liberal socialism?
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You describe liberal socialism as a philosophy of hope, and you argue for retrieval of its core principles.
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But why do you think the term liberal socialism strikes so many modern leftists and liberals both as an oxymoron?
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And how do you define hope here?
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Well, I think one of the reasons they considered it an oxymoron is because the Democratic Party, particularly a very neoliberal version of the Democratic Party, uh, has monopolized the meaning of liberalism in the United States for the better part of the last 30 years, right?
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After there was a big overtoned shift in terms of what Democrats were committed to with you know the election of Bill Clinton.
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Uh, but I think going back further than that, it was the Cold War, right?
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And this is something that we discuss at some length in the book, right?
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If you go back to the 19th century, people calling
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themselves liberal socialists wasn't at all unusual.
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You had people like John Stuart Mill, who I've mentioned a few times before, uh, who's very happy to be simultaneously the greatest liberal philosopher and declare himself as falling under the general designation of socialist in his autobiography.
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Uh, you got things like the Saint-Liberisme movement that was self-cautiously liberal socialist in France.
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Many people in the FBD, people like Edward Bernstein, you know, used to say that um there's nothing in the arsenal of socialism that stood yet its start in liberalism.
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Uh, and in many ways, socialism is just an extension of liberal principles into the economy through democratization, etc.
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All of that really came to a halt with the Cold War, largely because of an intellectual tradition, or at least in large part because of an intellectual tradition that we now call Cold War liberalism.
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This is where you start to see people like F.A.
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Hayek, Karl Popper, Isaiah Berlin, all of whom would really stress that there's a big difference, or from their perspective, a big difference between liberalism and socialism.
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You know, a lot of the binaries that we still use emerged in this time.
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You know, socialists believe in collectivism, whereas liberals believed in individualism.
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Liberals were for an open society, whereas socialists or communists were for a closed society.
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Liberals, you know, believed in freedom, socialists believed in equality.
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You get the idea.
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All these kind of binaries appeared.
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And a lot of these, as plenty of academics, that dreaded word have pointed out, were pretty artificial binaries that did a lot of disrespect to the history of actual socialist thinking and certainly actual liberal thinking.
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Uh, but it didn't really matter because for ideological purposes, these binaries were very useful and juxtaposing liberalism against Soviet-style collectivism, etc.
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And that really monopolized the intellectual discourse on a lot of different fronts for the better part of the latter half of the 20th century.
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And we're really only beginning to develop a more nuanced analysis of these things right now.
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So in the introduction to your book, What is Liberal Socialism, you propose a synthesis between Karl Marx and John Rawls.
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Yeah, you know exactly how I feel about that.
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But given that Marx was a historical materialist, focused primarily on political economy, and was
famously cagey about whether or not his work was normative or not, and that Rawls was a normative philosopher working from both kind of trying to bridge the consequentialist and deontological tradition simultaneously.
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Where exactly do you see their frameworks connecting up?
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And where do you think they are incompatible?
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Sure.
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Well, one of the reasons I proposed this synthesis is I think that Rawls offers the best normative case for liberal socialism, particularly in his book, Justice is Fairness, a Restatement.
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And then, you know, other people like Will M.
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have done a lot to kind of um put meat on the bones of his um his ideas in this respect.
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Uh, but Rawls is not a very gifted theorist or critic of power or ideology.
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Uh, all the stuff that Marxists are very gifted critics of.
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And that's not a small problem for Rawls's normative project.
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Many people have pointed out that it's very much an ideal theoretic project, right?
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It ones that it's a project that sketches out a vision uh of what a just society would look like and says, well, if we compare actually existing society to that vision, pretty clearly we fall very far short of that.
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But why we fall short of it, why it's so difficult to actually enact justice in the real world, what kinds of power are barriers to the achievement of justice, Rawls just really does not have very much to say about that at all.
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Like he doesn't have nothing, right?
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That's a bit of a cliche, but there's not very much, right?
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By contrast, as you point out, Marx was extremely good at analyzing the operations of power, how that connected to ideology, the different ways that reifications posed illusory barriers to even being able to vision what a socialist society might look like.
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But he really didn't have very much to say about what socialism or communism was going to look like.
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Uh, you know, Marx's famous quip about this was he wasn't in the business of um writing recipe books for the cookshops of the future, right?
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That was to be left to the utopian socialists.
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And there are good reasons for Marx to adopt this standpoint from you know the position of historical materialism.
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Uh, but I think it's really done a disservice to socialism.
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I tend to be of the view that it is actually useful to have a vision of what it is that we're trying to achieve in mind when we engage in activism and to kind of rework Marx's
quip.
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Uh, I don't necessarily know if we need recipe books for the cookshops of the future, but we should probably have a good sense of what we're trying to make at the very least.
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Because just sitting there and saying, you know, we're going to go in the kitchen and smash a few things together and see what comes with it, it doesn't really seem like a very viable long-term project for me.
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Uh, so as you point out, in this book, I announced that my goal is to kind of reconcile these different um theoretical traditions together.
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Uh, I don't actually do that in the book, uh, What is Liberal Socialism, which, as you mentioned, is meant to be kind of a popular essay collection, but I'm writing on that right now in my new big, very, very academic book, Liberal Socialism and Defense, that should be coming out in a couple of years, uh, and that'll be footnoted to death.
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All right, so that will be the uh academic apologia as opposed to the popular one.
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Yeah, well, one thing I agree with you on is that Marx's normative beliefs are they're there, he doesn't want them to be there, but they are clearly there, you know.
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Having read everything from G.A.
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Cohen is one of the things I'm sympathetic to G.A.
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Cohen on, and as we will get to later, I'm not as sympathetic to Ja Cohen as you are, but but to Vanessa Wills, to Sam Badger, both of whom have been on my show, I do think that the that the idea that you could get past the normative and descriptive being separate, which is something Marx inherents uh inherits from German idealism tote court, is actually problematic and it leads to all kinds of problems.
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The because it it does, for example, one thing that I find fascinating, right?
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The DSA just released a program.
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I'm writing a very long contextualization and commentary on it right now.
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I don't know when it'll be done, but it'll because I'm going deep.
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But one of the things that I've noticed is people don't view this program as a program, they view it as a platform for for a variety of reasons.
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One, the DSA's never had a program before, to it's not written exactly like a like a traditional historical program, and it's not scaffolded and scoped like a program.
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So you'll have maximalist and minimalist demands like hanging together in the same point.
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Um now I bring that up because it seems to me that Marx was actually radically inconsistent on the we don't do cookshops of the future thing.
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Yeah, because he wrote programs, like commented
on programs, wrote the the manifesto, which is a program, it's like the basis of all future socialist programs, is actually the Campus Manifesto, where you have the the immediate and minimum demand basically, then you have this longer scope thing, then you have some maximalist vision.
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Like that does seem like a uh like an actual blueprint in some ways.
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I get very frustrated similar to you, and I want to get your response to this, and how how you think Rawls might help help on this, but like when we talk about what a classless society is, which is used in the DSA program today, it's not defined, and so people can use it as almost Laclalian empty signifier.
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That's been on my mind a lot lately.
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Whereas in historical Marxism, that was defined.
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Like the reason why you have to eventually fade out the state, blah blah blah, has to do with the ultimate goal of a class of society, and what's confused about that is that people think, oh, state, there's no governmentality, no, there's still a governmentality.
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Uh Ben and I have gone back and forth on things like abolishing the police, which I do think is part of the socialist tradition, but I don't think is defined right because I actually it means having no standing police and no standing army, but universal militias for both.
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And that's what that was clearly stated, actually, in in early communist and socialist literature, and it's not today.
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Uh uh I bring this all up to you because it does seem to me that like you do get some kind of normative claim towards fairness, and you mention uh uh justice as fairness is actually somewhat you know interesting in that it does point towards a property owning, a property-owning governmental democracy or something like liberal socialism, that it doesn't deal with class power dynamics at all.
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And I've always found that to be like almost irreconcilable with Marxism.
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So I wanted to ask you like, what do you see needs to change in the Rawlsian framework to make it compatible?
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Well, that there's a lot, right?
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So there's a few things to say about this.
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First off, I completely agree with you that uh as much as Marx would sometimes insist that he doesn't want to write blueprints for the cookshops of the future, sorry, recipe books for the cookshops of the future, uh, or blueprints for the future society, sometimes he will very much indulge in just this kind of blueprinting or writing out what look like quite specific recipes for what the future is going to look like.
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A good example of this, of course, as you mentioned, is the Communist Manifesto itself, which ends
with a number of different proposals that should be immediately enacted once the communists are victorious in the revolution.
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And of course, that didn't come to pass.
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But even you know, in the future, just to kind of nip a kind of Althazarianism in the butt, uh, if you read the Civil War in France with the Critique of the Gotha program, Marx would sometimes explore what he thought a socialist society or a socialist republic is probably the better term, would end up looking like.
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And the Civil War in France uh suggests there's going to be a national legislature that looks an awful lot like the Paris Commune.
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It would have an awful lot of power concentrated in its hands, but elected officials would be immediately recallable.
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And there would also be various local governments or communes uh that have a great deal of discretion in organizing the common life for their districts, which makes a lot of sense if you're someone like Marx and you think that um beyond just having good Republican reasons for wanting local people to be able to govern their own affairs, there's even moral and historical reasons why they ought to do that for the sake of freedom, et cetera, et cetera, right?
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Uh and then the Clark of the Gotham program, Marx actually, and this kind of lends some credibility to what I'm saying, is critical of utopian socialists who imagine in this kind of millenarian, nowadays I call it like almost Bajuan way, that socialism is just going to be the complete negation of bourgeois society.
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Marx says, you know, that's a ridiculous society.
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We know from reading angle, we know from looking at real existing history that any kind of transition means that a new society is going to be fundamentally uh his terminology is stamped with many features of the old society.
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A new socialist state as it emerges from the moon bourgeois society is going to have many characteristics of um, he uses Hegellian term right, bourgeois right, right, or bourgeois rect, right?
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You know, and then he suggests that, you know, this is why we're gonna need to keep things like um not necessarily wage labor, uh, but compensation, right, for labor, and that's gonna be paid its actual value, not its kind of abstract value under a social society.
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There's gonna be the state, there's gonna be laws, etc.
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And only after a long period of time, once we have sufficiently developed the modes of production and we can move on to just complete abundance, right?
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Are we going to kind of transition to the truly communist principle of from each according to his ability to each according to his needs, right?
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And Marx doesn't give a time scale with that.
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So he's definitely willing to sometimes flirt with blueprinting or recipe shop or recipe book writing, even though there's a lot of inconsistencies between these different programs, right?
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Some of them are more status and characterized by a democratic centralism, like the Communist Manifesto.
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Uh, others are quite decentralized, like what you get in the Civil War in France, right?
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Where there is going to be a powerful National Assembly, but also quite powerful national communes.
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Rawls, by contrast, is very consistent about what he thinks a new society should look like.
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Some people have accused him of basically writing the same book three different times.
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That's a little bit unfair because there's important alterations and shifts and emphasis, uh, but it's not entirely unfair, right?
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There's definitely a lot of repetition that appears, right?
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Subconsciously.
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So by and large, he says, look, there's the original position behind the veil of ignorance.
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People are asked what principles of justice they want to enact and apply to the basic structure of society.
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Uh, and it's important to note that when he says the basic structure of society is the first subject of justice, that in itself indicates an important way in which there is a there is a point of contact between um Rawls and the Hegelian Marxist tradition.
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Uh, because in the lectures on moral philosophy and in the lectures of political philosophy, he says, traditionally, liberals have taken the individual and his or her rights to be the first subject of justice.
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Think about somebody like Locke, right?
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Rawls says, drawing upon Hegel, he's very explicit here.
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I say that the basic structure is the first subject of justice, right?
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Because you can only flourish as an individual or have rights be meaningful in the right social context, right?
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And later on in his lectures on Marx, he makes a very similar point about how Marx was concerned properly with the basic structure of society rather than uh atomized individuals, right?
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So, long story short, he thinks that justice is fairness is the right set of principles to apply to the basic structure.
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That includes a principle of equal liberty or basic liberties for all, uh, compatible with everyone else's scheme of basic liberties.
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And then the second principle is fair quality of
opportunity and the difference principle.
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Uh, and in his last book, Justice is fairness restatement, Rawls says welfare state capitalism does not cut it in terms of uh showing respect for these principles.
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Uh, there are too many inequalities, there are certainly too many political inequalities that even welfare state capitalism emerges.
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So only property-owning democracy or liberal socialism would be the proper regimes for instantiating our respect for justice.
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And then in the lectures on Marx, in the um collection on his uh lectures on political economy, Rawls chooses to actually sketch out what liberal socialism would look like.
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Uh so he says, look, many, this is written in the 1990s, right?
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Or published in the 1990s.
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Many commentators have assumed that the fall of the Soviet Union has discredited Marxism and socialism irreparably.
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Uh, he says, certainly it's discredited the command economic model of social organization.
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Uh, that's buried in the ash heap of history.
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Uh, but it's a serious mistake, he says, to think that Marx and socialism are kind of bygone just because the Soviet Union didn't reinstantiate um respect for socialist principles adequately.
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Uh, he says liberal socialism is still very much a viable theory of justice that we ought to take seriously as a regime.
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And then he sketches out what that would look like, drawing on Marx.
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And he says liberal socialism would consist of um the following three premises or four premises, right?
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A liberal democratic state, big surprise there, a market, a market socialism, essentially, right?
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So there would be firms that would, you know, compete with one another, innovate, et cetera, et cetera, but they'd be governed by workers instead.
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There'd be a rough equality of property across the society.
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And then lastly, he says the state would obviously decommodify many sectors of the economy where you don't want worker firms in charge.
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It's like healthcare, education, probably housing, et cetera.
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Right now, he doesn't elaborate much further on what liberal socialism would look like than this sketch.
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Uh, there's a little bit of other stuff in Justice's Fairness's theory's statement, but this is kind of what I'm building upon, right?
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Through Rawls' interpretation of Marx and Marxism, uh, and Hegel, I should add, Hegel's a very important influence of him, him.
00:21:06.769 --> 00:21:13.329
He says, you know, we recognize through Marx and Hegel that the basic structure is the first subject of justice, not the individual and their rights.
00:21:13.490 --> 00:21:15.490
Any liberal needs to be sensitive to that.
00:21:15.649 --> 00:21:25.169
And getting the basic structure right is going to mean a commitment to a much higher level of equality and economic democracy than classical liberals, certainly, if we're willing to countenance.
00:21:31.569 --> 00:21:45.490
I do think that one of the things that you that I I think is a little bit harder to reconcile is fairness versus classlessness, and at least in the way that Marx or Lenin describes it.
00:21:45.569 --> 00:21:46.769
I mean, Lenin defines it.
00:21:47.009 --> 00:21:51.889
Obviously, the Soviet Union never even kind of got to Lenin's definition in State and Revolution.
00:21:51.970 --> 00:22:07.329
I mean, because you're supposed to, you know, that they were supposed to be building up to a society with like universal conscription for the military, no standing army except for a militia, you know, all that's a stated and state and revolution, that's all pretty much abandoned very quickly.
00:22:07.569 --> 00:22:22.450
But what I did found interesting, right, when I went back and looked at these debates and then the debates and the instantiation of liberalism, some of these might even call proto-liberal theories like Machiavelli, that this debate had been had before.
00:22:22.849 --> 00:22:32.929
That in the 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th century, liberals were still arguing about the goal of getting rid of a standing army as a prerequisite for freedom.
00:22:33.009 --> 00:22:38.769
So it was even that idea as radical as you know it can strike even our friend Ben Burgess.
00:22:39.009 --> 00:22:42.609
Uh I think is actually interesting.
00:22:42.929 --> 00:22:47.329
Uh, and what I actually point out to people is like the issue for the Marxist.
00:22:47.889 --> 00:23:06.129
Is not that we have someone enforcing law, or not that we have a punitive punitive elements for because I think even the most diehard Marxist knows that like certain kinds of violence, certain kinds of transgression will probably still exist in a relatively free socialist society.
00:23:07.169 --> 00:23:13.409
You can talk about how you know we get rid of most property crime, we get rid of most drug crime, all that stuff goes away.
00:23:13.809 --> 00:23:18.289
But you know, domestic violence, murder will probably still be an issue.
00:23:18.609 --> 00:23:20.929
A lot of violent crimes are crimes of passion, for example.
00:23:21.009 --> 00:23:34.609
And uh, I don't imagine that people are going to cease to be passionate and angry, you know, in the new socialist future about their husband cheating with their best friend, or you know, their best friend cheating on them with their wife, or whatever it happens to be.
00:23:34.849 --> 00:23:35.409
Right.
00:23:35.649 --> 00:23:46.049
So it gets me to thinking about like if you
had a Rawlsian ethical base for this, how do you build towards that society?
00:23:46.210 --> 00:24:05.169
Because the one thing I would say that is different between the liberal socialist vision that you've expanded from late warls and the Marxian vision is a lot of Marxists would agree, not all of them, but a lot of Marxists would agree that the Rawlsian vision would be a step in the right direction towards a towards both a socialist society, blah blah blah blah blah.
00:24:05.250 --> 00:24:14.769
But all of them who are traditional, except for like Dominica Lacerdo, weirdly, would actually say it's necessary as a step, but it's an insufficient goal, right?
00:24:15.009 --> 00:24:29.409
Like, so do you think it is a sufficient goal, or do you are you more that thing that this is the only viable first necessary step, as opposed to like, I don't know, a revolutionary dictatorship of the party or whatever?
00:24:29.649 --> 00:24:31.329
What do you what are your thoughts there?
00:24:31.649 --> 00:24:32.929
It's a really good question.
00:24:33.089 --> 00:24:42.369
And from my perspective, right, I'm enough of a historical materialist to say I'm not really all that keen to speculate what we could achieve after we achieved liberal socialism.
00:24:42.529 --> 00:24:45.329
And here I actually follow Marx in the Critique of the Gotha program, right?
00:24:45.409 --> 00:24:51.970
Where he says, look, any new socialist society is not going to be some kind of millennial split with bourgeois society.
00:24:52.049 --> 00:24:54.849
You'd have to be utopian and an idealist to believe that, right?
00:24:55.009 --> 00:25:05.329
The new society is very clearly going to be stamped with any features of the old, which are going to include, again, all the features of Hegelian right, which means institutions, practice, laws, norms, etc., for a very long time, right?
00:25:05.409 --> 00:25:20.210
Uh now, whether in the future it would be possible to do what Marx speculates in the critique of the Gotha program, you know, transition from an emphasis on fairness to a superabundance of economic goods, which would allow us to say from each according to his ability to each according to his needs.
00:25:20.289 --> 00:25:21.409
Uh, I would hope so, right?
00:25:21.490 --> 00:25:22.849
I would like that to be the case.
00:25:23.089 --> 00:25:24.129
Maybe it will be, right?
00:25:24.289 --> 00:25:30.289
But Marx clearly intimated that that would be on a distant horizon, and I suspect it will also, right?
00:25:30.529 --> 00:25:48.049
Now, in terms of you know, the question of socialist law and the state, I think there was a really good book on this by a contributor to our Cohen collection, Christine Sipner, which is the concept of socialist law, where she um puts Marxism into dialogue with the Marxist-Leninist tradition and the anarchist tradition, right?
00:25:48.210 --> 00:26:00.289
And she points out that Engels was actually the one who hypothesized that uh if you read Marx
in a Hegelian enough way, the long-term goal of communism should be to allow the state to wither away, right?
00:26:00.369 --> 00:26:10.289
And Engels says, look, uh, we understand that the state emerges or has emerged as the primary instrument, or at least a primary instrument of class oppression.
00:26:10.369 --> 00:26:11.329
That's its goal, right?
00:26:11.409 --> 00:26:12.929
You know, or its uh function, right?
00:26:13.089 --> 00:26:20.450
You know, the capitalist state is governed by the executive committee for the management of bourgeois interests, and it's a tool of oppression, right?
00:26:20.529 --> 00:26:27.889
Uh and consequently, you know, Engel says if we do transition to a classless society, there'd be no more historical need for the state.
00:26:27.970 --> 00:26:34.210
It kind of served its purposes in the dialectic, and it's consequently going to wither away, right?
00:26:34.369 --> 00:26:45.089
And uh politics, at least as we understand it, by which he means class politics, is going to be replaced by the uh scientific management or the technical management, as it's sometimes translated of life, right?
00:26:45.250 --> 00:26:51.649
While Sipnowitz points out that, first off, this is very much a kind of um act of utopian speculation on Engels' part, right?
00:26:51.730 --> 00:26:54.769
The idea that the state is going to uh wither away, right?
00:26:54.849 --> 00:27:02.210
Uh but beyond that, Engels also is aware that this is very much on a long time scale, in the same way that Marx anticipates this is going to be on a long time scale.
00:27:02.369 --> 00:27:11.169
Uh, she says nothing precludes us from thinking that in that long interregnum period, there's going to be a state, and that state is going to pass laws, right?
00:27:11.329 --> 00:28:01.809
And she suggests that there's no reason to expect that socialist laws wouldn't be characteristically very different from the laws of bourgeois society, let alone the laws you'd see passed by um reactionary states, right?
00:28:02.049 --> 00:28:10.450
One important distinction that she brings up is that um rights in a socialist society would very much be understood as social rights, right?
00:28:10.609 --> 00:28:17.809
They would entail uh reciprocal obligations rather than just being kind of grants of um for liberty uh pursuit of one's self-interest.
00:28:18.690 --> 00:28:24.210
And so, of course, you know, the socialist state would guarantee things like rights to health care, rights to education, rights to housing, etc.
00:28:24.369 --> 00:28:24.609
etc.
00:28:24.849 --> 00:28:28.129
In a way, most bourgeois states are wary to do so, right?
00:28:28.210 --> 00:28:31.490
And I think that that's by and large the right approach, right?
00:28:31.649 --> 00:28:41.009
Again, whether Engels was right and uh, you know, in the long run, with a long enough liberal, like a long-standing liberal socialist society, you know, we might see the state wither away.
00:28:41.089 --> 00:28:47.490
You know, I would hope so in some cases, but I definitely am not optimistic that that's gonna occur anytime soon.
00:28:49.730 --> 00:28:50.289
Right.
00:28:50.529 --> 00:28:59.490
And the the other thing that I would that I would point out about that is like even if the state went away, you might still have law because empathologically speaking, law predates dates.
00:28:59.649 --> 00:29:02.769
Um, so and I just want to add one thing here, right?
00:29:02.930 --> 00:29:04.690
My dad taught me this last time when I was really young.
00:29:04.769 --> 00:29:06.450
Uh so just be a little folksy here.
00:29:06.529 --> 00:29:10.049
Uh my dad worked as a prison guard in the the Don Jail for a long time, right?
00:29:10.609 --> 00:29:19.569
And you know, my dad's a bright guy, and he said, Look, in the Don jail, most of the people there were there mostly because of economic and social circumstances, right?
00:29:19.649 --> 00:29:22.930
You know, they had stolen, they had robbed, some of them may even kill to get better.
00:29:23.009 --> 00:29:28.930
And my dad was like, Look, if there was a better society where their needs were taken care of, most of those guys probably wouldn't be in jail.
00:29:29.089 --> 00:29:42.849
But he said there was one guy who came in who had sexually assaulted and murdered, I think it was like three or four children, and none of the guys wanted to have anything to do with them because he was clearly just, to use a very technical terminology here, a bad seed, right?
00:29:42.930 --> 00:29:45.089
You know, he was just a bad, bad guy.
00:29:45.250 --> 00:30:00.609
And everyone understood that he was psychologically a different kind of personality than all these people who had done bad things in their self-interest because there's just really not a lot of recognizable human characteristics in his uh decision to inflict pain upon the innocent for this reason.
00:30:00.849 --> 00:30:03.809
And I think any society is always gonna have people like this, you know.
00:30:03.889 --> 00:30:16.849
Forget about crimes and passions, there's always gonna be the uh some very, very bad people in society that are gonna do awful things, and we're gonna need some way of getting rid of them or at least making sure that they can't cause more harm.
00:30:17.569 --> 00:30:18.210
Right.
00:30:18.529 --> 00:30:34.609
Well, I as a former corrections officer myself and a teacher, I have a similar experience where about one, which interestingly is why I am pretty skeptical of prisons, but I'm also very skeptical of a lot of the immediate proposals for prison abolition.
00:30:34.690 --> 00:30:47.329
I don't talk about it a lot because I have come to the conclusion that, like, well, if you have prisons like like what they have in like Norway, I'm not sure I'm gonna complain that much about them.
00:30:47.569 --> 00:30:49.089
Yeah, my wife likes to joke.
00:30:49.170 --> 00:30:53.009
Um, she saw a picture of like a uh Norwegian prison, back security.
00:30:53.250 --> 00:31:03.410
A guy had a TV and a bed, and things she's like, you know, if we ever fucking need to retire and we don't have the money, we should just go commit a crime in Norway and you know, retire to jail.
00:31:03.730 --> 00:31:17.490
Yeah, I mean, because because the the the kind of utilitarian argument there is we're trying to remove an element from society without the reason why I would not gung-ho on capital punishment is not about justice.
00:31:17.569 --> 00:31:29.250
I mean, for me, justice actually would necessitate some kinds of lethal violence, it's about being wrong, it's about the consequences of being long when you take a life because you can't undo it.
00:31:29.889 --> 00:31:32.529
And so, yeah, I wouldn't mind that.
00:31:32.609 --> 00:31:39.730
I'm all but then I also have also said I wouldn't mind stuff like corporal punishment being brought back, so that probably scares the shit out of people.
00:31:40.129 --> 00:31:55.809
Well, you know, I don't normally agree with Jason Brennan, but he had an article about corporal punishment, and he's like, Look, maybe we could replace five-year prison sentences with you getting 10 lashes on the ass or 50 lashes on the ass, and then you know, you give you medical treatment and go home for minor crimes at least.
00:31:55.889 --> 00:32:04.450
And I was like, you know, as weird as it sounds, there's a way in which that's if not more humane, at least probably less draconian.
00:32:04.769 --> 00:32:05.009
Right.
00:32:05.089 --> 00:32:06.690
Well, that's my that was always my argument.
00:32:06.849 --> 00:32:17.649
Having experienced a prison, is just like, well, I know that American and Mexican and Canadian prisons don't aren't really good at rehabilitation.
00:32:17.809 --> 00:32:22.210
Um, and in fact, they're the opposite of that for the most part, and particularly in the United States.
00:32:22.769 --> 00:32:25.809
70 to 75 recidivism, right, right?
00:32:26.049 --> 00:32:26.369
Right.
00:32:26.609 --> 00:32:28.289
Canada has the best record out of that.
00:32:28.450 --> 00:32:31.009
Uh the US has the worst.
00:32:31.329 --> 00:32:33.250
Mexico's somewhere in the middle.
00:32:33.730 --> 00:32:46.450
But what I find very uh interesting is like, you know, the the actual like what we were talking about and what these things meant in socialism has expanded.
00:32:46.529 --> 00:32:49.649
There's been concept creep that as highly utopian.
00:32:50.450 --> 00:33:02.049
Like this idea that and often like a lot of bad social reproduction theory it has this, is this idea that it's oh, if we just got rid of capitalism, most crime would go away.
00:33:02.129 --> 00:33:13.089
And I'm like, well, you know, most societies are like nowhere near as carceral, including some ones that I would find dictatorial in the medieval and ancient world.
00:33:13.649 --> 00:33:25.410
However, murder is a problem that does not seem to be all that tied to capitalism.
00:33:25.649 --> 00:33:36.369
It also is remarkably resistant to rational constraints, so that's why capital punishment is also not a good deterrent for murder.
00:33:36.849 --> 00:33:48.769
Because A, a lot of carns of passion aren't thought out, and B, you know, and if you're a psychopath, it's not gonna work anyway, so it's not really a deterrent in the same way.
00:33:49.009 --> 00:33:57.170
But I do think it's interesting to think about like this is where having a some kind of concept of justice actually does matter.
00:33:57.569 --> 00:33:59.009
Oh, absolutely, yeah.
00:33:59.329 --> 00:34:08.049
And you know me, I I have often been caught saying implied implication most, although I don't usually put that there.
00:34:08.289 --> 00:34:11.730
Justice is either about revenge or it's a childhood fantasy.
00:34:12.049 --> 00:34:22.529
However, I do think you have to have some kind of normative framework for how you handle these kinds of violences that aren't related to property and and whatnot.
00:34:22.769 --> 00:34:37.649
And I don't think the left has a very good job of it, at least to like weird things, like people who celebrate the the Soviet gulag system also being prison abolitionist, which is like baffling to me, but I have really seen it.
00:34:37.809 --> 00:34:43.809
It's like what like um people contain multitudes, I guess, right?
00:34:44.049 --> 00:34:47.490
Yeah, well, or they don't.
00:34:47.889 --> 00:34:51.809
Funnily enough, either way, you it looks about the same.
00:34:51.970 --> 00:35:04.769
Um I guess this we this gets me to think a little bit more about you know the racial liberalism problem, something that's been pointed out by Charles W.
00:35:04.930 --> 00:35:09.250
Mills and and one of Dominica Lacerdo's mildly better books.
00:35:09.490 --> 00:35:11.809
You know, you dedicate a lot of space to Charles W.
00:35:11.970 --> 00:35:23.410
Mills in the N this piece book, and critique of how well you can call the center or you know, accommodationist ring of classical liberals to use.
00:35:23.570 --> 00:35:35.330
I'm trying to like get my Jonathan Israel back in my head, what he would have called the moderate enlightenment folks, like Locke and Kant, were explicitly implicated in racial capitalism and colonialism.
00:35:35.490 --> 00:35:49.650
I mean, Locke, like in a way that is very hard to make intellectual heads or tails of, given his primary theory, when you read his justification for slavery, it's like, how in the hell do you think that works?
00:35:49.970 --> 00:35:51.970
Oh no, it's extremely self-serving, right?
00:35:52.290 --> 00:35:52.850
Right.
00:35:53.090 --> 00:35:57.650
And for those of you who don't know, Locke wrote the South Carolina Constitution, or at least contributed to it.
00:35:57.810 --> 00:36:02.450
So the colonial constitution, but still pretty bad.
00:36:03.090 --> 00:36:18.850
So, how does the concept of racial liberal of radical liberal socialism or black radical liberalism, you know, incorporate Mills's insights without
abandoning the universalist emancipatory promise of either liberalism or socialism?
00:36:18.930 --> 00:36:31.090
Because one of the responses that we saw in the 20th century was to try to throw out any universal claim at all as somehow being inherently racialist, you know, particularly towards the end of the 20th century.
00:36:31.250 --> 00:36:39.330
And ironically, I have found that a lot of those arguments have actually played better on the right in the long term than the left and have ended up being justification for racialism.
00:36:39.730 --> 00:36:42.050
But I wanted to hear you talk about that a little bit.
00:36:42.370 --> 00:36:43.170
Oh, yeah, absolutely.
00:36:43.330 --> 00:36:58.050
I mean, um, my friend Paul Schofield, uh, who wrote a very generous review of my liberal socialism book for Jackman, used to say that an old professor of his used to say, uh, all you leftists love this whole kind of postmodern relativism and games of truth, et cetera, et cetera, because you think it's all so much fun.
00:36:58.290 --> 00:37:03.330
Just wait till the right gets hand on this stuff, and you're gonna feel very, very differently about that.
00:37:03.490 --> 00:37:07.970
And I think that time has borne out this anonymous professor's wisdom on that point.
00:37:08.130 --> 00:37:19.250
But just for those who don't know, you know, Charles Mills began his career as a Marxist, right, from Jamaica, studied at the University of Toronto, and gradually uh he started to move away from that to degrees, right?
00:37:19.490 --> 00:37:29.410
Marx remained an important influence in his work, such that by the 1990s he kind of identified with a kind of critical tradition that looked askew at liberalism.
00:37:29.570 --> 00:37:47.330
Uh, his most important book from the 1990s is a little tiny text called The Racial Contract, uh, where he takes aim at the argument that liberal political theory, by and large, had little to say about race, or to the extent that it did have something to say about race that was bad, most of the times that was just peripheral, right?
00:37:47.410 --> 00:37:53.250
It didn't really say very much one way or another about the legitimacy and cogency of the liberal theoretical project.
00:37:53.410 --> 00:38:05.570
Uh, and what Mills points out in this book is actually if you read Locke or Kant, let alone the American Founding Fathers, an emphasis or a concern with race is omnipresent, right?
00:38:06.210 --> 00:38:08.769
Good example of this, of course, would be Kant, right?
00:38:08.850 --> 00:38:21.570
You know, Kant um famously wrote more about anthropology than almost any other subject, and he was very prone to dividing the world into different racial groups who were to be categorized based on their cognitive capacities.
00:38:21.730 --> 00:38:28.690
And of course, you know, he insinuated that um blacks were inferior, so-called yellow peoples were inferior to white Europeans.
00:38:28.850 --> 00:38:36.769
And aligned with this, Kant suggested white Europeans were probably the only ones who are really capable at that point of self-rule, right?
00:38:36.850 --> 00:38:46.769
You know, being able to organize themselves into these kind of Kantian republics with rights and a constitution, etc., uh, because only they possessed the uh capacity for reason and enlightenment, right?
00:38:46.930 --> 00:38:50.210
Now, I think that some of Mills's arguments are a little overheated.
00:38:51.570 --> 00:39:07.650
Count doctrine, I think, is a pretty critical of colonialism, certainly in his mature period, where he applies, even if these people are subordinate, you're still not allowed to go and intrude in their land because two wrongs don't make a right or a wrong can't be kind of brushed aside because uh it turns out to be right.
00:39:07.730 --> 00:39:09.970
And this is a point he makes in the metaphysics morals.
00:39:10.050 --> 00:39:19.250
But there's no doubt that Mills is right, and Lasotro is right, that if you read liberal theory carefully, there's all kinds of racism that saturates it, and it's not at all irrelevant, right?
00:39:19.410 --> 00:39:29.250
There's many countless justifications for racial hierarchy, subordination, colonialism, imperialism, uh, even by progressive liberals uh that I defend elsewhere like John Sartre Mill, right?
00:39:29.410 --> 00:39:34.290
Mill was famously you know liberal socialist, an advocate for democracy, a great feminist, right?
00:39:34.450 --> 00:39:52.610
Author of the subjection of women, but he routinely defended the British Empire on the basis that um a kind of uh what he thought benign despotism was necessary in India in order to culturally elevate the Indian people to the level where they might one day be capable of liberalism and democracy on their own, right?
00:39:53.010 --> 00:40:00.290
So Mills spends most of his career being a critic of liberal political thought and practice on this basis.
00:40:00.370 --> 00:40:12.850
Uh and shortly before he died, at the relatively young age of, I think it was 70, it might have been 71, uh, he began to argue instead for what he called the black radical liberalism that was intended to be a more constructive and positive project, right?
00:40:13.010 --> 00:40:18.610
Uh sadly, there's not very much that he wrote about this uh because the project was kind of announced and then never defended.
00:40:18.769 --> 00:40:21.650
Uh, mostly you get the you get one essay in W.E.
00:40:21.730 --> 00:40:30.610
Du Bois as a black radical liberal, at least in his mature period, uh, and then a kind of epilogue to his black uh his book on uh black rights, white wrongs, and that's it, right?
00:40:30.769 --> 00:40:42.210
But by and large, Mills says black radical liberalism is obviously going to be much more socialistic in its orientation than Heron Volk or white liberalisms.
00:40:42.690 --> 00:40:45.010
He goes on to say that this might seem strange.
00:40:45.170 --> 00:40:47.970
You know, socialism can mean a
lot more than a command economy.
00:40:48.130 --> 00:40:54.930
There's various forms of market socialism and left-wing liberalism, and obviously black radical liberalism would align with that economically.
00:40:55.090 --> 00:41:05.890
And he argues that we ought to pay attention to the specific ways that a kind of black radical liberalism can try to repair for the damage that racism has caused in liberal societies, right?
00:41:06.050 --> 00:41:09.410
Although, again, he doesn't elaborate on uh in too much detail on that.
00:41:09.570 --> 00:41:34.210
Uh, in my new book, though, I talk a lot about somebody who is very close to Mills philosophically, who does actually provide a lot more meat on these kinds of bones, namely Tommy Shelby, who's currently a uh professor at Harvard University and is a proponent of analytical Marxism and the uh values of analytical Marxism for examining racial issues, um, but who also is uh very friendly towards liberal egalitarianism, particularly Rawls.
00:41:34.290 --> 00:41:36.290
So you can see why I would like Shelby, right?
00:41:36.370 --> 00:41:37.970
Uh and so just give one example, right?
00:41:38.130 --> 00:41:41.570
Shelby says, look, and actually this applies to you're talking about with criminal justice.
00:41:41.810 --> 00:42:00.210
If you apply a kind of uh Marxist liberal lens to racial issues in the United States, uh what you can realize is that in many what he calls dark ghettos, you know, these kind of racialized communes, it's very clear that the state is not meeting its obligations to large numbers of people who have been racialized and denigrated and demonized for a long time.
00:42:00.530 --> 00:42:11.090
This means, he thinks, holding them to a very punitive standard when it comes to their acquiescence to things like criminal justice is deeply unfair, right?
00:42:11.170 --> 00:42:22.850
Because you've essentially denied these communities the resources they've needed to achieve to flourish and succeed, and then impose very harsh criminal sanctions on them when you see people hustling or selling drugs or whatever, right?
00:42:23.010 --> 00:42:35.650
So Shelby, to put it mildly, recommends a lighter touch as the appropriate way that a kind of Marxist liberal approach to justice can respond to the problems of racial demigration in these communities for a very long time.
00:42:35.810 --> 00:42:39.090
And I kind of think that that's the appropriate way of looking at these things.
00:42:42.210 --> 00:42:48.050
Yeah, I mean that that seems to be sort of my issue too.
00:42:48.210 --> 00:43:07.090
I mean, what the the the contradiction of racial capitalism policing is that communities of color and and poor communities in general are indeed both under and over police simultaneously, and that contradiction is like often not dealt with.
00:43:07.250 --> 00:43:11.010
You know, small things, threats, that stuff is not dealt with.
00:43:11.330 --> 00:43:20.210
But punitive raids, uh drug crimes, even though that's lessened in the in the last 20 years, although Texas is bringing it back, so we'll see.
00:43:20.690 --> 00:43:21.730
Return, right?
00:43:22.050 --> 00:43:23.570
Yeah, great.
00:43:23.730 --> 00:43:34.769
Let's let's criminalize something that you had legal a week ago, um, that is legal in like I don't know, uh most of the other states.
00:43:35.010 --> 00:43:48.450
Yeah, I saw Matt Walsh actually pitching about this just the other day because um apparently weed has overtaken booze for the first time in American history as the average American's narcotic of choice on the weekend or the weekday, right?
00:43:48.530 --> 00:43:51.410
And you know, he was doing his typical very racial thing, right?
00:43:51.490 --> 00:43:56.210
Of saying, you know, no great civilization has ever been erected when people are addicted to weed.
00:43:56.290 --> 00:44:03.890
Uh, they're having a lot of great civilizations, he alleges, that have been created when people drink themselves into oblivion night after night, right?
00:44:04.210 --> 00:44:05.650
Where he's getting this from, who knows?
00:44:05.730 --> 00:44:06.930
But it turns out that that's true.
00:44:07.170 --> 00:44:08.850
Americans love wheat.
00:44:09.330 --> 00:44:13.170
Yeah, well, let's just put it this way.
00:44:13.330 --> 00:44:22.130
I do think some of the damages of weed are probably understudied because it took so long for it to get reclassified as a drug so that we can study it.
00:44:22.290 --> 00:44:27.090
But like, I don't know, I know way more people who've died from alcohol.
00:44:27.410 --> 00:44:33.250
Well, I mean, look, I've known people who say you can't get addicted to pot, I've never known a pot ed.
00:44:33.490 --> 00:44:37.090
Uh, I was roommates with a couple of them back in my day, very nice people, you know what I mean?
00:44:37.250 --> 00:44:38.690
Fucking absolutely harmless.
00:44:38.850 --> 00:44:49.730
Uh, but definitely I remember thinking, like, man, like if you have to wake up and smoke a joint and come home from work and smoke a joint and then smoke a couple of joints to go to sleep day in and day out, that seems a lot like dependence to me.
00:44:49.890 --> 00:44:51.810
And it might be time to you know tap.
00:44:52.370 --> 00:44:54.290
And I'm saying this to somebody who likes weed, right?
00:44:54.450 --> 00:45:01.650
But you know, the worst thing I've ever known somebody a pothead to the worst thing I've ever known a pothead to do is forget to clean the dishes, which is annoying.
00:45:01.810 --> 00:45:09.730
I've known people to do a really dumb and really bad things on boots, so yeah, I'm just not inclined to uh a Walsh philosophy on this.
00:45:10.050 --> 00:45:11.170
Yeah, exactly.
00:45:11.250 --> 00:45:14.610
It's it's like I actually think maybe it's progressive.
00:45:14.930 --> 00:45:20.690
Also, plenty of great civilizations have smoked all kinds of things.
00:45:21.170 --> 00:45:24.450
Um weed.
00:45:24.530 --> 00:45:26.290
I I mean, I
don't know, I don't know how much weed consumption.
00:45:26.850 --> 00:45:29.730
Was going on in the Mexica, but I imagine some.
00:45:30.450 --> 00:45:33.810
Anyway, I should probably actually look that up as an anthropological question.
00:45:34.050 --> 00:45:35.570
I'm curious about that too now.
00:45:35.650 --> 00:45:36.050
Yeah.
00:45:36.290 --> 00:45:36.610
Yeah.
00:45:36.850 --> 00:45:46.690
Well, one of the things I I have wanted to talk to you a little about is this critiquing the return philosophy in this uh post-liberal anti-modernity turn.
00:45:46.930 --> 00:46:00.050
And one of the things I wanted to like press you on a bit, not because I disagree with you, but because I see this also happening in socialist circles where like the visions of socialists are basically like, let's bring our 19th century back.
00:46:01.170 --> 00:46:15.970
And while I am pretty sympathetic to the idea that the major class struggles of capitalism are still the same major class struggles as they were 150 years ago, their manifestations are actually quite different.
00:46:16.370 --> 00:46:19.010
In your concluding chapter, what is liberal socialism?
00:46:19.330 --> 00:46:25.010
You really talk a lot about like the use of critics of modernity like Nietzsche and Dostoevsky.
00:46:25.730 --> 00:46:31.490
And you pick up Charles Taylor, who's not the person I necessarily would have thought to have read at the end of this book.
00:46:33.410 --> 00:46:36.370
Is he is he owning being a communitarian these days?
00:46:36.450 --> 00:46:37.650
I never can remember.
00:46:37.970 --> 00:46:38.930
I'm Canadian, right?
00:46:39.010 --> 00:46:42.769
So it just felt like you know, as a that's my own little smidge of nationalism in there, you know.
00:46:42.930 --> 00:46:44.210
Gotta end with Taylor.
00:46:44.530 --> 00:46:48.290
Look, I I I'll allow Canadian nationalism as long as we're doing our shit.
00:46:48.370 --> 00:46:49.490
You guys get a pass.
00:46:49.810 --> 00:46:56.290
Um, but back when we weren't fucking with you, though, it used to annoy me.
00:46:56.530 --> 00:46:58.130
Oh well, yeah.
00:46:58.210 --> 00:47:04.450
I mean, look, Canadian national, just to make a joke about this, even I get tired of that kind of smug shit every now and then, right?
00:47:04.530 --> 00:47:15.650
You know, the kind of running joke is you know, Canadian nationalism expresses itself in being kind of quietly but smugly feeling that you're superior to the average American, right?
00:47:15.810 --> 00:47:17.650
Morally, politically, all that stuff.
00:47:17.810 --> 00:47:19.730
And that always bothered me because I was like, you know what?
00:47:21.090 --> 00:47:23.250
This country has plenty of problems, also, right?
00:47:23.570 --> 00:47:28.850
And more or less, we kind of turned out to be junior partners for America in a lot of their worst imperialist projects.
00:47:28.930 --> 00:47:30.769
So let's not applaud ourselves too much here.
00:47:30.930 --> 00:47:44.370
Uh, that said, now that Trump is basically just constantly threatening Canada with um becoming the 2051st state and calling Mark Carney governor, there's that little smidge of me that's uh kind of become a little more empathetic towards that than I was before, maybe.
00:47:44.690 --> 00:47:46.370
Well, this is this was my thought.
00:47:46.450 --> 00:47:53.170
I was like, oh great, you're gonna bring Canadian nationalism back because the only thing that defines Canadian nationalism is trying to prove they're not Americans.
00:47:53.650 --> 00:48:06.690
And it was hilarious too, because I was like, man, Trump managed to somehow single-handedly make Canadian nationalism or I suppose actually I should say restore it, because if you look at uh the history name nationalism, there's always been a kind of left-wing quality for this.
00:48:06.769 --> 00:48:13.090
But he somehow managed to make Canadian nationalism like a liberal and even left-wing thing again, which a lot of us would have thought was impossible.
00:48:13.250 --> 00:48:26.290
You know, the big loser in the last Canadian election was Pierre Polyev, because the liberals were basically just able to outflank Pierre on being the more we're gonna drape ourselves in the flag and be the elbows up style, you know, critics of Trumpism.
00:48:27.330 --> 00:48:27.970
Yeah.
00:48:28.930 --> 00:48:31.970
But I I uh to tie it back to the question a little bit, though.
00:48:32.050 --> 00:48:45.810
I mean, to pick up from Charles Taylor, like Taylor does for all his communitarian leanings that I was joking about, he is actually a universalist, which is uh actually rare for anyone deemed a communitarian.
00:48:45.970 --> 00:48:54.610
I mean, unless your universalism is like a Lester McIntyre, who I like, but who is basically like you should all become 14th-century Catholics.
00:48:54.769 --> 00:49:03.250
Oh, I universally believe we should all be 14th century Catholics, any capitalist socialist 14th-century Catholics, but Catholics nonetheless, right?
00:49:03.570 --> 00:49:04.130
Right, yeah.
00:49:04.290 --> 00:49:09.250
I mean, you know, very big on social gospel, that sort of thing.
00:49:09.730 --> 00:49:16.610
Hate hated the rich more than most Christians by a lot, but but nonetheless, is what it was, right?
00:49:17.570 --> 00:49:26.530
But you you you talk about modern universals' ethics are more generally more on progress over pre-modern hierarchical complementarity.
00:49:26.690 --> 00:49:39.570
And what I found interesting, so I went back this weekend, and for some weird reason I got a rattled hair up my ass, and I was going through my reactionary literature section that I have in my Kindle, and uh, yeah, as I do.
00:49:39.810 --> 00:49:44.530
You and I are people who you know read right-wing literature so other people don't have to.
00:49:44.690 --> 00:49:48.610
Oh no, yeah, so then you're like, Man, new translation of Ebola's coming out, right?
00:49:48.690 --> 00:49:51.250
Get all the socials behind
it, they're gonna be excited, yeah.
00:49:51.490 --> 00:49:52.210
Yeah, gross.
00:49:52.370 --> 00:50:08.769
But I read Kylie Kyle Minogue's The Servile Mind, and I actually realized that this this return stuff had been creeping up for a lot longer than it seems, it just was not dominant.
00:50:09.010 --> 00:50:59.650
Like when you read The Servile Mind, it feels like that book was would have been more at home in Europe in 1940 or now than it was when it came out in 20, I think like 2011, and and in at least in the United States, and I brought that up because there's this pre-modern hierarchical complementarity argument that the Taylor like d demolishes, but I find it interesting that it keeps coming back, and in to plug my own work, which I don't often do, but my work with Daniel Tut, we talk about like this big push, both light and Daniel, by the way, yeah, for class collaborationism and the idea that like we can all just get along, and I'm just like, there's no universal ethics that can believe that.
00:50:59.970 --> 00:51:07.010
So, why is liberal socialism the best vehicle to really deliver on a modernist universal ethics?
00:51:07.090 --> 00:51:29.010
And how do we deal with the fact that social to be frank to be frank, because I am a believer in decadence theory, which is probably rare on the left, but well, I mean, I watched a video the other day which talked about a billionaire who spent four million dollars buying a banana tape to a wall, and I'm not gonna lie, there's a small part of me that you know went full Carlisle, right?
00:51:29.090 --> 00:51:36.370
And it's like decadence and you know, decline, and you know, this goes to show the cultural banalization that's occurring, right?
00:51:36.450 --> 00:51:38.290
You know, I can have those moments too.
00:51:38.530 --> 00:51:45.250
Yeah, but uh beat enough reactionary authors, and you know that instinct is just hard not to indulge in when you see that kind of shit, right?
00:51:45.490 --> 00:51:55.330
Yeah, oh yeah, particularly when you when you read a lot of reactionary authors, and like I was reading Ross do do Dunhat, whatever Dolphart, stupid last name, anyway.
00:51:55.570 --> 00:52:06.930
Um who uh whose book on on decadence, I like 60 agreed with, and it disturbed me.
00:52:07.090 --> 00:52:09.810
The 40 I didn't agree with was like outlandish.
00:52:09.970 --> 00:52:11.490
Uh I was like, what no?
00:52:11.650 --> 00:52:19.010
Boop, boop, boop, bad, bad, but but the the like, and I'm like, hey dude, why don't you realize you're critiquing capitalism?
00:52:19.250 --> 00:52:21.570
But anyway, they never really do.
00:52:21.890 --> 00:52:37.970
No, it's weird because they seem to think that you could have your capitalism and your pre-modern hierarchy together, which admittedly, before Hans Hermann Hopp, nobody was dumb enough to believe, but after Hans Hermann Hopp has become a lot more commonly believed, I know I've seen that uh before.
00:52:38.050 --> 00:52:44.530
Yeah, like all those online trolls who are like, Well, freedom means that I should be able to outlaw people being gay whenever it is that I want.
00:52:44.610 --> 00:52:49.490
It's like, Well, I suppose that's one way of thinking about freedom.
00:52:49.730 --> 00:52:53.730
Then then the other, then freedom also means I get to kill you before you do that.
00:52:54.050 --> 00:52:56.130
Like, like that, that the implement.
00:52:56.210 --> 00:52:59.330
I mean, Hobbes is right, that is the implication of that kind of freedom.
00:53:00.130 --> 00:53:03.170
I mean, to your point, though, I mean, at least McIntyre is consistent on that one.
00:53:03.250 --> 00:53:13.330
This is one of the reasons I think he's the greatest of those communitarian critics, because at least he was like, Look, if we're gonna be 14th century Catholics again, then we're probably gonna need a mode of production that is not capitalistic.
00:53:13.490 --> 00:53:19.970
Since part of the whole thing about capitalism is you approach the world like a consumer, and eventually you're gonna approach ethics like a consumer, also.
00:53:20.690 --> 00:53:21.010
Right.
00:53:21.170 --> 00:53:23.970
No, I mean that it is it it is admirable.
00:53:24.450 --> 00:53:56.290
I recently reread After Virtue and a book group, and I and I I did like, oh, well, there's just we're just so thoroughly in that book, but it is remarkably consistent that he does realize that, like, if I'm gonna bring back 14th century Augustinianism, I also need some kind of non-capitalist relations, and no, we can't completely go back to the 14th century, and I don't really want to do that, but something, something, something I'm not I actually he never really spells it out, but he is trying to be consistent there.
00:53:56.610 --> 00:54:00.210
Uh anyway, so how do we fight this?
00:54:00.450 --> 00:54:07.570
Because it to me, uh, this anti-modernity stuff is actually coming from a lot of the same places you and I come from.
00:54:08.130 --> 00:54:15.090
Like, we are it's frustrated with like I have been surprised talking to some like paleo-conservatives again now, you know.
00:54:15.170 --> 00:54:28.290
You know, I used to be one, but today that like uh like that Ross Dunhat book, you could you could agree with 60% of it, and then the other 40%, you're like, what the fuck, man?
00:54:30.530 --> 00:54:35.890
So so how do we you you know, how does liberal socialism answer this?
00:54:36.130 --> 00:54:38.769
And why do you think Marxists have been bad at it?
00:54:38.850 --> 00:55:00.610
Because one of the things I was thinking about today is right now there are more people trying to hybridize Marxism and straight up anti-Marxist reactionary philosophy than Marxism and stuff that was neutral towards Marxism or skeptical but not totally dismissive, like early pre-Cold War liberals.
00:55:01.410 --> 00:55:04.050
Yeah, it's one of the things that really surprises me, right?
00:55:04.210 --> 00:55:21.330
Because I've seen a million
efforts to try to synthesize Marxism with Nietzscheanism, with Hideggerianism, you know, with 19th century reactionaries, all of whom were, shall we say, unremitting in their anti-Marxism or anti-socialism or anti-egalitarianism.
00:55:21.490 --> 00:55:27.250
Uh, and you say you want to kind of reconcile Marx with Rawls, who had nothing but praise for Marx, right?
00:55:27.330 --> 00:55:40.130
I mean, if you read Rawls's the opening to Rawls's discussion on Marx in the lectures on political philosophy, he describes Marx as a world historical genius whose accomplishments, uh especially as a singular figure almost unparalleled, from whom we have a great deal to learn, right?
00:55:40.210 --> 00:55:49.010
So I have always been a little bewildered that people think what I'm trying to do is odd when so many of these same people are like, oh, Heideggarian Marxism, sure, let's do it, right?
00:55:49.170 --> 00:55:57.730
And I think a lot of that owes is down more to tonal and rhetorical overlaps than any kind of substantive, you know, issues, right?
00:55:57.810 --> 00:56:02.930
You know, people read Nietzsche and they're like, oh, he's a radical, and then they read Marx and they're like, oh, rhetorically, he's a radical.
00:56:03.010 --> 00:56:14.450
So let's put these two things together, even though they don't really work together as well as I think Rawlsianism and Marxism could work together, since there's a lot of um shared commitments uh in terms of what a good society should look like.
00:56:14.610 --> 00:56:17.410
But just to come to the more important point about Taylor, right?
00:56:17.570 --> 00:56:30.210
So very briefly, in his book Um Modern Social Imaginaries, Taylor, I think, quite rightly says, uh, look, if you go back to antiquity, the reactionaries aren't wrong to think that we thought about the world in very different ways than we do now, right?
00:56:30.690 --> 00:56:49.010
Early or antiquarian or pre-modern social imaginaries were predicated on a very hierarchical worldview that held that we need to envision nature and society like a pyramid, uh, where every rung of the pyramid needed the others, uh, but it was by no means the case that the peasants were going to have as much dignity or power as the Lord, right?
00:56:49.170 --> 00:56:59.970
And you can see this in Aristotle's writing, where of course he says, you know, some people are fit to be natural slaves, some people are fit to be philosophers, women kind of fall somewhere in that squishy middle so they can be in charge of the homestead.
00:57:00.130 --> 00:57:03.730
You see that in people like Leo Strauss when he tries to recover that idea, right?
00:57:03.810 --> 00:57:08.930
When in the City of Man, you know, Strauss is the great um quasi-conservative philosopher, right?
00:57:09.010 --> 00:57:14.850
But in the city of Man, he says, uh, for Aristotle, you know, the social inequalities between men match their natural inequalities.
00:57:15.010 --> 00:57:25.010
There's always
going to be beings of a different rank and different order in society, in nature, and society is meant to respect those differences and those differences in rank in particular, if it's going to be ordered well.
00:57:25.250 --> 00:57:38.769
And Taylor says with the advent of the modern world, which has antecedents in Stoicism, Christianity, I would add Buddhism actually there as well, as another philosophy, uh, what you started to see was this greater emphasis on equality, right?
00:57:38.850 --> 00:57:51.170
You know, the kind of uh moral equality of all human beings, which in later books like uh Cosmic Connections, Taylor argues constitutes a kind of um moral advance on these um earlier antiquarian worldviews.
00:57:51.250 --> 00:58:04.690
Uh the reason being, you know, that Taylor says, look, if you know, were an Athenian, an average Athenian, right, committed to your own moral theory, uh, you'd say there's nothing wrong with mistreating the slaves and working them until they die.
00:58:04.769 --> 00:58:05.330
They're slaves.
00:58:05.410 --> 00:58:06.290
There's lots of them around.
00:58:06.450 --> 00:58:06.930
Who cares?
00:58:07.090 --> 00:58:18.290
And you'd also say there's nothing wrong with us going and demolishing the city or the island of Melos to send a lesson to everyone else that you don't fuck with the Athenians, uh, because we put Athens first, right?
00:58:18.450 --> 00:58:25.890
The interest of our empire is more important than whatever the obligations we might happen to have towards the people of Melos.
00:58:25.970 --> 00:58:36.690
And Taylor says the modern era instead hypothesizes or puts forward this idea that all life is sacred and equally sacred, which has imposed enormous ethical duties on us.
00:58:36.769 --> 00:58:41.570
Uh, in fact, duties that are so demanding that we have yet to build a society that lives up to them, right?
00:58:41.810 --> 00:58:45.970
And there's even a cosmopolitan and universalistic dimension, as you rightly point out, right?
00:58:46.130 --> 00:59:03.970
Because if I believe that all people are equal and ought to be treated equally, uh, then I shouldn't really be instinctively inclined towards saying that we're going to put American lives over Mexican lives over Iranian lives or whatever, uh, because they're all human beings that they're entitled to a reasonably similar level of moral treatment, right?
00:59:04.610 --> 00:59:12.850
And I think this is a very attractive way understanding the transition to modernity generally understood from an ethical standpoint.
00:59:12.930 --> 00:59:18.850
Uh, and I also think as a defense of um the greater demands that modern ethics make of us, it's very convincing as well.
00:59:18.930 --> 00:59:23.010
Uh now, Taylor is not a utopian or an idealist in a crude sense, right?
00:59:23.090 --> 00:59:31.570
He's not saying that the ethical advance that modernity has demonstrated means that ordinary people are better than they were in the past, right?
00:59:31.730 --> 00:59:34.930
Uh, this actually relates back to what we were saying before about criminal justice, right?
00:59:35.010 --> 00:59:45.730
He's not saying that in the modern world there are fewer people who are murderers, or fewer people who cheat on their wives, or fewer people who don't, you know, aren't particularly good friends to people they should be friends to.
00:59:45.890 --> 00:59:48.930
It just means that our standards are higher than theirs were back then.
00:59:49.010 --> 00:59:51.970
Uh, and he says institutionally this has had an impact, right?
00:59:52.130 --> 01:00:04.210
Because we at least create constitutions, create social orders that try to express a commitment to this egalitarian order, even if uh in many respects they they fall short of what we should be trying to do, Brandon.
01:00:04.450 --> 01:00:05.650
Taylor was a leftist, right?
01:00:05.730 --> 01:00:09.250
You know, he's a member of the Socialist New Democratic Party in the 1960s.
01:00:09.330 --> 01:00:11.730
Uh he really thinks that there are serious problems with capitalism.
01:00:11.810 --> 01:00:13.890
And I want to um emphasize that.
01:00:14.530 --> 01:00:14.769
Yeah.
01:00:15.730 --> 01:00:16.130
Go ahead.
01:00:16.690 --> 01:00:38.210
No, I'm saying so, um, just in terms of you know that piece, I don't buy into many of Taylor's arguments about different things, but in terms of the big story that he tells about the transition to kind of um modern ethics and how that constitutes an ethical advancement on what came before, uh, and how modern ethics is characterized by this commitment to equality rather than hierarchical complementarity, that all I take on board.
01:00:39.010 --> 01:00:39.570
Right.
01:00:41.010 --> 01:00:51.170
I mean, I I think I would say if you were to ask me, I would say I'm a power egalitarian and nothing else, but that probably still meets Taylor's view.
01:00:51.410 --> 01:00:59.410
So, but by that I mean I'm concerned about people having equal power, thus I'm actually also very concerned about material inequality because that's very much a proxy for power.
01:01:01.330 --> 01:01:13.250
I am not concerned about abstract equality in the same way that a lot of liberals are, in so much that I actually think a lot of abstract equality actually lets a lot of real inequality off the hook.
01:01:13.410 --> 01:01:30.690
This is a traditional Marxist critique of equality while also I mean, depending on how you read the Critique of the Gertha program, Marx either doesn't believe inequality or he does, and I think he does, but in a very limited sense, because he thinks a lot of the moral equality stuff is actually bullshit.
01:01:31.010 --> 01:01:34.690
Um, and I have always had a similar thing.
01:01:34.769 --> 01:01:39.090
I I've always gone, you know, when when conservatives go, well, people are different.
01:01:39.170 --> 01:01:40.769
I'm like, yeah, no shit.
01:01:41.490 --> 01:01:45.170
Yeah, I want to point out I I have no
problem acknowledging that either, right?
01:01:45.410 --> 01:01:55.170
And I'm honestly I'm not even really sure of any leftist of note who's ever argued that people are equal biologically or cognitively in any kind of meaningful respect.
01:01:55.250 --> 01:01:56.850
That's never really what we've been arguing, right?
01:01:57.330 --> 01:02:02.370
I mean, my sister is a much better shot than I am, my brother's a much better hockey player, despite my best efforts, right?
01:02:02.450 --> 01:02:08.850
I mean, there's just innumerable ways in which I'm very comfortable acknowledging that while still thinking we should be egalitarians in many respects.
01:02:09.170 --> 01:02:25.090
Yeah, well, for me, it's just like, well, these other ways of of dealing with the world, and I don't just mean the obvious ones like race and gender, I mean like other differences between human beings, uh, need to have equal respect in society for a lot of for a lot of reasons.
01:02:25.410 --> 01:02:32.930
And while you know, the promise of hierarchical complementarity is that you can do that, in reality, that's never happened ever.
01:02:33.090 --> 01:02:33.490
Yep.
01:02:34.130 --> 01:02:52.930
And those societies are just as unstable as egalitarian ones, which is also often like the number of civil and social wars that happen and con uh and hierarchical complementarity that we don't really deal with or don't treat as what they are.
01:02:53.090 --> 01:02:57.890
We like, oh, there was a peasants' rebellion, or oh, there is a Taiping Rebellion, or whatever.
01:02:58.050 --> 01:03:02.130
And I'm like, that more people died in that than they did in the American Civil War, dude.
01:03:02.450 --> 01:03:06.610
Like it wasn't it was not a uh a flash in the pan insurrection, right?
01:03:06.690 --> 01:03:07.570
Yeah, right.
01:03:08.210 --> 01:03:12.530
So it doesn't seem like these societies are all that stable either.
01:03:13.170 --> 01:03:22.450
Also, it the thing about kingship that even reactionaries know is you might get a good one, they also and more often than not get a shitty one.
01:03:22.690 --> 01:03:28.850
So that doesn't really work either way, and you have to imagine a world like J.R.
01:03:29.170 --> 01:03:42.210
Tokian did or whatever, where the only people who get power in this system don't want it, and that's the only way it works, which that is way more utopian than anything I ever suggested.
01:03:42.690 --> 01:03:43.570
Oh, yeah, exactly.
01:03:43.650 --> 01:03:43.730
Right.
01:03:43.970 --> 01:04:00.050
I mean, the idea that you're gonna get some kind of beatific line of rulers uh who aren't going to necessarily want to rule, but will assume it is a responsibility, and the way that you know Plato's philosopher kings would probably prefer to be philosophizing, but they recognize they have a social duty, you know, at least he had the honesty of saying that's really utopia, right?
01:04:00.130 --> 01:04:05.010
This is you know an ideal society that you know may never have been and may never be, right?
01:04:05.330 --> 01:04:10.290
I actually tend to think, and I wrote about this recently, and I know Ben feels the same way, and I'm guessing you do too.
01:04:10.450 --> 01:04:22.610
I think that one of the nice things about socialism is precisely that's realistic about human nature, because it says that look, if we allow too much power to concentrate in a few people's hands, which includes economic power, they're gonna do really bad things with that to others, right?
01:04:22.690 --> 01:04:35.570
That are not conducive to our long-term interests, which is precisely why we want a relative equality of power, so that even though people are going to continue to do bad things and be tempted to do bad things, they're gonna be less capable of doing so.
01:04:35.730 --> 01:04:40.690
Uh, in this sense, I'm pretty much a Niburian realist, uh, about human nature, right?
01:04:40.850 --> 01:04:48.450
Our capacity for justice makes democracy possible, but our capacity for injustice is exactly what makes democracy very necessary, right?
01:04:49.010 --> 01:05:01.330
And democracy is given to both, depending, uh which is why the more egalitarian to democracy is, the better it it is, and also why I don't have a constitutional fetish that a lot of people do.
01:05:01.410 --> 01:05:07.890
But anyway, to get into your your work uh on GA Cohen a little bit, because it is relevant here.
01:05:08.450 --> 01:05:17.650
You co-wrote with Ben a book on GA Cohen, which is uh Analytical Marxism and Democratic Socialism in the 21st century.
01:05:18.370 --> 01:05:22.690
Our original title, just in case you're probably sitting there being like, God, that's wordy and boring.
01:05:22.850 --> 01:05:32.210
We were gonna call it no bullshit socialism, which is a kind of play on the analytic Marxist uh claim that there were no bullshit Marxists, but our publisher was like, You're using a duty word there, you know.
01:05:32.370 --> 01:05:34.450
Let's go for something that's a little more scholarly now.
01:05:34.610 --> 01:05:36.050
It's like fine.
01:05:36.290 --> 01:05:39.410
I still think no bullshit socialism would have been a lot more fun.
01:05:41.170 --> 01:05:44.290
I uh, as you know, I'm a lot more mixed on J.
01:05:44.530 --> 01:05:54.930
Cohen and the analytic Marxists in general, and in fact, in my most recent book, I come after the contemporary generation of analytic Marxists for basically being crypto-populist.
01:05:55.570 --> 01:06:08.210
But I do actually think there's some points that Cohen made that are hard to deny, and I want to talk about one of them and its relationship to liberal socialism, actually.
01:06:08.530 --> 01:06:21.010
Which is Cohen, you know, famously got off of Orthodox Marxism because of the view that the downfall of capitalism and the rise of socialism as a replacement was historically inevitable.
01:06:21.170 --> 01:06:25.490
That is what alienated him from Orthodox Marxism.
01:06:26.530 -->
01:06:38.130
What I find interesting today about that is like I don't think I know almost any Marxist, myself included, who are still historical inevitableists.
01:06:38.370 --> 01:06:43.170
And and also, I've done a lot of looking at Marx, and Marx himself is inconsistent on this.
01:06:43.250 --> 01:06:52.769
Again, as a big thing in my work, is like Marx is actually a lot more inconsistent than people are comfortable admitting because there are times where he talks about socialism as inevitable that tends to be in more public-facing works.
01:06:52.930 --> 01:07:05.170
But if you read his notebooks or even some of his statements where he talks about are the contending common ruin of the classes, there is actually an alternative at the end of capitalism to socialism, it's just very bad.
01:07:05.330 --> 01:07:10.370
And he doesn't even seem to want to imagine it, but it seems to be a real fear of his, right?
01:07:10.530 --> 01:07:17.650
That gets erased from the history of socialism and the late 19th century from from the second international forward, basically.
01:07:18.050 --> 01:07:24.769
The idea going from Kowski Ford is the workers are inherently socialistic, look at their look at how they organize their labor.
01:07:25.250 --> 01:07:26.290
And I don't think anyone.
01:07:26.769 --> 01:07:31.010
Can look at society today and think that under current conditions that's true.
01:07:31.650 --> 01:07:43.650
So, you know, did how did the failure of historical inevitably force Cohen and maybe you and Ben to shift towards normative moral philosophies justify socialism?
01:07:43.810 --> 01:07:52.290
Because it, you know, the the whole collapsing the normative and descriptive part of Marxism was actually based on the historical inevitability of socialism.
01:07:52.610 --> 01:07:57.090
And as I've said, I'm not even sure Marx was you was always convinced of that.
01:07:57.650 --> 01:07:59.010
No, I don't think he was either.
01:07:59.090 --> 01:08:05.730
And you know, I kind of fall into the school of the Vanessa Will school of thought, uh, which holds that Marx certainly did have an ethical theory.
01:08:05.890 --> 01:08:06.850
I think it's hard to deny.
01:08:07.090 --> 01:08:09.330
And it's actually a pretty consistent one from beginning to end.
01:08:09.490 --> 01:08:13.570
You still hear him talk about capabilities and flourishing in Capital Volume Three, right?
01:08:13.650 --> 01:08:15.650
But we can we can bracket that for a second, right?
01:08:15.810 --> 01:08:17.170
Uh so very briefly, right?
01:08:17.250 --> 01:08:20.449
This is what uh Cohen refers to as the obstetric thesis.
01:08:20.529 --> 01:08:30.930
Uh, and even though most people don't hold to uh the strict version of the obstetric thesis today, I think it still does have power of a certain sort, which is why I'll get into it and why I think it's so important to probe into this.
01:08:31.090 --> 01:08:37.090
But by and large, right, what Cohen said uh the obstetric thesis referred to was the idea that socialism was inevitable, right?
01:08:37.329 --> 01:08:44.449
Marx's science of history had shown that one way or another, the inherent tensions and contradictions of capitalism were going to lead to its collapse.
01:08:44.689 --> 01:08:55.329
Maybe you could be like Lenin and give socialism a little push, or maybe you could be like Mussolini and Hitler and kind of uh try to uh kill off, you know, one particular version of socialism.
01:08:55.489 --> 01:08:57.729
But it was one way or another, it was coming.
01:08:57.890 --> 01:09:02.289
And it's important to note that it wasn't just socialists who kind of held to this obstetric thesis.
01:09:02.369 --> 01:09:09.810
Uh, you even had very intelligent commentators like Joshua Schuppinter and capitalism, socialism, and democracy, who famously said, Yeah, socialism is coming.
01:09:09.890 --> 01:09:11.409
I'm really not happy about it, right?
01:09:11.489 --> 01:09:15.810
I think it's awful that this is our future, but I just can't see any way of avoiding it.
01:09:15.890 --> 01:09:27.090
Uh, but what Cohen points out is that by the time you hit the 1980s, 1990s, especially after the fall of the Soviet Union, uh, anyone who is still committed to the obstetric thesis seemed very naive, right?
01:09:27.250 --> 01:09:40.930
Now, in fairness, Cohen points out that the failure of the Soviet Union actually affirmed certain core tenets of Marxism, namely Marx's claim that the mode of production needs to be sufficiently developed to enable a transition to capital or to socialism.
01:09:41.090 --> 01:09:47.969
You can't kind of skip the bourgeois phase of history, which of course, uh, from Cohen's perspective, what the Soviets tried to do, right?
01:09:48.050 --> 01:09:53.809
Just kind of leapfrog from czarism to fully automated luxury communism and naturally fail us.
01:09:53.969 --> 01:10:02.369
But nevertheless, Cohen says there's no doubt that this inevitabilitarian or obstetric thesis took a serious blow as a result of the fall of the Soviet Union.
01:10:02.609 --> 01:10:13.250
Nobody in the 1990s, aside from a few diehards, really believed that one way or another capitalism was going to collapse and be replaced with a society where the free development of each was a condition for the free development of all.
01:10:13.489 --> 01:10:16.689
Now, that's mostly of historical interest for the reasons you brought up.
01:10:16.849 --> 01:10:26.769
Aside from a couple of like ride or die tankies on the internet, I've very rarely encountered anybody who said that one way or another, capitalism was going to collapse and be replaced by socialism, right?
01:10:26.929 --> 01:10:33.569
Even then, you know, with the tankies, I'm wondering how much they really believe in it, how much they just like kind of cosplaying that idea to annoy the libs.
01:10:33.729 --> 01:10:50.050
But what Cohen pointed out was important about this for theoretical purposes is as long as the obstetric thesis was
popular, it really let socialists off the hook from the need to make moral arguments for what socialism was going to look like and what it ought to look like.
01:10:50.130 --> 01:10:52.849
Uh, because the claim was, well, one way or another, it's coming.
01:10:52.929 --> 01:10:56.210
So just keep giving history a push and eventually it'll arrive at it.
01:10:56.289 --> 01:10:58.929
Uh now, Cohen said, of course, no one was really consistent on that.
01:10:59.090 --> 01:11:11.409
As you and I have both pointed out, Marx himself quite often would engage in writing recipe books for the cookshops of the future, and plenty of socialists would uh fill their writings with references to the importance of equality and emancipation, etc.
01:11:11.729 --> 01:11:18.050
But these were never really systematically argued for at the level and to the degree of rigor that Cohen thought was important.
01:11:18.210 --> 01:11:38.050
So he thought that the goal of socialists post-1990s was to develop more arguments for what democratic socialism ought to look like and also provide a justification for democratic socialism uh that would argue against competing theoretical traditions and uh ideological traditions like uh libertarianism or liberalism, just to give an example, a few examples.
01:11:44.369 --> 01:12:03.250
Yeah, so you know, critics like Joseph Heath, who's frenemy of the show, not directly, but I mention him a lot because I find him to be a much better centrist liberal critic than the American varieties.
01:12:03.409 --> 01:12:07.969
Both his filthy lucre and rebel sell are books I've told people to read, even though I don't agree with them.
01:12:08.529 --> 01:12:12.929
His um viral essay, why academic Marxism was kind of dead in the water.
01:12:13.009 --> 01:12:21.329
I didn't agree with it, by the way, but to your point, I definitely was like, Well, this guy definitely knows a lot more about academic Marxism than than most people, you know what I mean.
01:12:21.409 --> 01:12:24.050
This is why this hurts a little bit, right?
01:12:24.130 --> 01:12:30.929
Yeah, I mean, like he actually you know comes out of things, and he's not you know a dastardly neoliberal.
01:12:31.090 --> 01:12:40.849
I mean, he has his own, he has mathematical critiques of why neoliberalism doesn't make sense, including like the his takedown of of uh equilibrium theory.
01:12:40.929 --> 01:12:45.569
I actually think is of neoliberal equilibrium theory is actually uh brilliant.
01:12:45.809 --> 01:12:46.609
I'll have to read it.
01:12:46.689 --> 01:12:48.050
I don't think I've ever I have never read that before.
01:12:48.210 --> 01:13:00.849
It's in it's a chapter on filthy lucre where he talks about like there is no reason at all to assume that there is a linear progression towards uh towards equilibrium in a market exchange.
01:13:01.009 --> 01:13:22.849
We can mathematically work this out, it doesn't make any sense as an assumption, and that therefore the entire argument of the markets as a as a uh as an epistemic maximalizer uh is mathematically incoherent because it would actually, to be even remotely true, involve the abolition of time.
01:13:23.329 --> 01:13:25.729
Well, that is pretty devastating, yeah.
01:13:26.050 --> 01:13:29.329
But he's also made some very bad arguments in the past, too.
01:13:29.569 --> 01:13:44.609
But anyway, you know, he he argued that once analytic Marxists removed the bullshit, such as dialectical obscurement from Marx, that there really wasn't anything left but rolls, which you know, I'm not even sure you would find that bad, but I do.
01:13:45.170 --> 01:13:49.969
So, how do you refute this narrative in the book?
01:13:50.130 --> 01:13:57.729
And how do you map a Cohen's evolving views from 1977 to his death about what analytic Marxism was?
01:13:57.969 --> 01:14:06.130
And also, I mean, let's be frank, he also abandoned Marxism altogether, even the analytic form towards the very end of his life, but didn't abandon his socialist commitments.
01:14:06.289 --> 01:14:09.649
So I wanted to get your opinion on his development here.
01:14:10.130 --> 01:14:10.449
Sure.
01:14:10.609 --> 01:14:15.329
Well, I will say that I think analytical Marxism was actually in quite a healthy place, contra heat, right?
01:14:15.409 --> 01:14:18.609
Um, just to give one example, I mentioned Tommy Shelby before.
01:14:18.769 --> 01:14:33.329
Uh Shelby gave a long a big talk to the American Philosophical Association defending the relevance of analytical Marxism for understanding things like racial capitalism and you know defending a kind of liberal inflected Marxist theory of justice, right?
01:14:33.569 --> 01:14:38.529
So I think his claim is just um from a scholarly perspective untrue.
01:14:38.609 --> 01:14:40.050
I think that we're we're doing just fine.
01:14:40.130 --> 01:14:40.929
Thank you very much.
01:14:41.090 --> 01:14:50.369
Uh that said, there is no doubt that the analytical Marxists did drop a lot of what uh many of us would consider to be central aspects of Marxism, right?
01:14:50.449 --> 01:14:54.449
And their efforts to kind of purge it of uh of bullshit, so-called.
01:14:54.689 --> 01:15:03.489
One you know, very good example of this uh that I personally have a lot of disagreements with Bette about is the analytical Marxists insisted that there's no special method to Marxism, right?
01:15:03.649 --> 01:15:13.569
That what Marx or what some Marxists refer to as the dialectical method was really just a fancy way of saying everything is connected and everything changes, nothing really of importance.
01:15:13.729 --> 01:15:24.529
From their perspective, Marxism was just a ordinary form of social science, and so there's nothing wrong with incorporating more modern social scientific techniques to try to engage in Marxist analyses of class, etc.
01:15:24.689 --> 01:15:27.809
Um, and in fairness, you know, some of them did really interesting work with that.
01:15:27.969 --> 01:15:40.369
Uh, I
happen to be of the view with Michael Lazarus that there is a dialectical method to Marx's work, and understanding that is central to really um gleaning his core insights, right?
01:15:40.609 --> 01:15:42.529
That said, I also don't think it's unique to Marx.
01:15:42.609 --> 01:15:52.849
I think that you really need to, I'm with Alan Wood in saying you need to situate Marx in the tradition of German idealism, Alakant, and Hegel to really understand uh the core insights, bracketing all that, right?
01:15:52.929 --> 01:15:54.130
Just to come to Cohen, right?
01:15:54.210 --> 01:15:59.250
So, Cohen, I would push back a little bit on the argument that he abandoned Marxism per se.
01:15:59.329 --> 01:16:05.090
Uh, he definitely became more skeptical of historical materialism in an expansive sense near the 2000s.
01:16:05.250 --> 01:16:13.329
So when he released a um revised edition of Karl Marx's theory of history and offense, he's still defending historical materialism in the 2000s.
01:16:13.409 --> 01:16:25.329
Uh, but he says, look, an inclusive historical materialism that tries to account for most social developments with reference to the economic base, that's just not gonna fly, right?
01:16:25.409 --> 01:16:35.170
If you're trying to explain moral developments, religious developments, cultural developments by saying ultimately they're all about uh the economy in the last instance, that's not gonna get you very far.
01:16:35.250 --> 01:16:39.009
Uh, but he still defended what he called the restricted version of historical materialism.
01:16:39.090 --> 01:16:45.649
And that says, look, we can still describe a lot of how it is that the base develops through a historical materialist lens, right?
01:16:45.729 --> 01:16:47.809
And that's obviously very, very important, right?
01:16:47.969 --> 01:16:56.929
Uh now that said, in terms of his moral argumentation, there is no doubt that Heath is right that Cohen became much more distinctively Rawlsian over time, right?
01:16:57.009 --> 01:17:01.489
Uh, he still will every now and then gesture towards the importance of theorizing things like exploitation.
01:17:01.649 --> 01:17:10.769
But by the time of getting to uh rescuing justice and equality, Cohen's big book on Rawls, uh, he even says if you called me a left-wing Rawlsian, I wouldn't be opposed to it, right?
01:17:10.849 --> 01:17:13.409
Which is quite remarkable if you think about that.
01:17:13.569 --> 01:17:21.090
Uh now that said, Cohen is a really bizarre left-wing Rawlsian out of moral from a moral standpoint, uh, for a lot of reasons, right?
01:17:21.649 --> 01:17:40.529
One of which is that in the second half of that book, he defends a meta ethics that is fact-insensitive, basically saying, look, irregardless of social facts, we should still do the right thing if it is the right thing, which is almost like a kind of platonic understanding of justice.
01:17:40.689 --> 01:17:46.289
And in my in the essay that I wrote on Cohen, I point out how weird it is to him to adopt this perspective, right?
01:17:46.449 --> 01:17:53.170
Because whatever else you want to call a fact-insensitive approach to justice, it is not that is not a Marxist approach to justice, right?
01:17:53.250 --> 01:17:57.409
Marxism as a materialist philosophy absolutely has to be fact sensitive.
01:17:57.489 --> 01:18:05.009
Uh, and what's also interesting is that in this respect, it means that Rawls was actually a lot closer to Marx than to Cohen than Cohen was, right?
01:18:05.170 --> 01:18:12.050
Because as I mentioned before, Rawls was very sensitive to the fact that uh the principles of justice were going to apply to the basic structure.
01:18:12.210 --> 01:18:20.529
Uh, he was concerned about things like incentives, which is why he says um the difference principle can allow for certain kinds of inequalities that they are to the benefit of the least well-off.
01:18:20.849 --> 01:18:27.729
You know, this very kind of platonic uh meta-ethics of justice that Cohen adopts is um well defended by him, right?
01:18:27.809 --> 01:18:29.889
It's just not Marxist from my perspective.
01:18:30.050 --> 01:18:35.649
And I also don't think that liberal socialism should get behind it because I'm not a Platonist or an idealist, right?
01:18:35.729 --> 01:18:39.329
I just think that it's uh that I'm never going to kind of um abide by that.
01:18:40.689 --> 01:18:45.409
That said, you know, I think it's a real testament to uh Cohen's creativity as a philosopher.
01:18:46.130 --> 01:18:59.729
Well, it's just it just goes show he's a really creative philosopher, and he he wasn't afraid to uh take big swings at things, and uh even if he didn't always hit, he always at least got close, which means he's a really interesting person to read and learn from.
01:19:01.489 --> 01:19:07.250
Yeah, well, him and especially Wowski are the uh of that generation of analytical Marxists, are the two I take seriously.
01:19:07.409 --> 01:19:10.289
I actually do take Romer and uh what's his face?
01:19:12.609 --> 01:19:28.849
Elder Elder seriously to you, but uh they incorporate things that Cohen doesn't that I think is a lot more problematic to incorporate because I don't think that equilibrium theory has any place in Marxism or any of that, or rational choice.
01:19:29.009 --> 01:19:30.609
I'm talking about rational choice theory.
01:19:30.689 --> 01:19:31.170
Yeah, there we go.
01:19:32.130 --> 01:19:32.929
Yeah, exactly.
01:19:33.250 --> 01:19:58.449
Game theory, I see limited uses for um, you know, but and and my my critique of coin, as you may know, is that he doesn't that weirdly, given the rest of his philosophy, I actually do think this is an interesting oversight, that he doesn't deal with relations of production very deeply or very well, and I actually have a critique for this too.
01:19:58.769 --> 01:20:06.369
Um but but it actually is a problem, and I actually find it interesting that Cohen doesn't for this reason, and I actually am
leading up to question here.
01:20:06.529 --> 01:20:11.329
Uh, this will be one of my last two questions, actually, because you actually covered one I was gonna ask you about facts in sensitive.
01:20:11.569 --> 01:20:14.130
I I want to say that I'm actually sympathetic to that, also, right?
01:20:14.210 --> 01:20:24.130
I think that um there's an excess emphasis on forces of production, which is why I don't think he is a technological determinist, but it's not implausible to kind of impute that to him, right?
01:20:24.609 --> 01:20:26.289
Well, uh for yeah, exactly.
01:20:26.449 --> 01:20:41.969
There are times where I'm like, he sounds just like a Whiggish tech bro, but but I actually do think reading every his because you know, having read more than just Car Mark uh the Car Mark's Theory of History of Defense, I actually do know he's not, and this is one of the questions I was gonna get to because I can't reconcile this.
01:20:42.289 --> 01:20:51.969
Cohen actually picks up the claim, you know, from feminist circles that the personal was political, which means something very different in the 20th century than it did in the 21st.
01:20:52.130 --> 01:20:59.009
Actually, recently went back and went into origins of that phrase, and I'm like, that phrase meant something completely different than the way we were using it 15 years ago.
01:20:59.329 --> 01:21:25.649
But but the Cohen's kind of an in-between stage from the way that it was originally used and feminist circles to the way that it is used now, and that is he talks about that you know, an egalitarian society does actually require uh a personal ethos of egalitarian justice rather than just rules for a just state or just rules for a classless society?
01:21:27.969 --> 01:21:40.449
I actually uh find it interesting because I I I find that to be weird that he brackets out relations of production so much when looking at that.
01:21:40.689 --> 01:21:43.170
And I was gonna ask you, there's two things I want to ask you.
01:21:43.409 --> 01:21:52.609
One, why do you argue that extending distributed demands into personal life choice risk becoming overly demanding and arose personal liberty, which I kind of agree with you on, but I want to get your logic on.
01:21:52.849 --> 01:22:03.090
And two I would say, why is he so voluntaristic on individuals but not systems?
01:22:03.729 --> 01:22:06.130
This is something that I don't actually get from Cohen.
01:22:06.289 --> 01:22:15.329
Like Cohen seems to be really voluntaristic on individual belief structures, but not on systemic development.
01:22:15.489 --> 01:22:19.170
And I wanted to ask you like, how do you think we even should reconcile that?
01:22:19.250 --> 01:22:23.090
Because that seems to be a real problem with Cohen's thought to me.
01:22:23.889 --> 01:22:26.449
Well, the first point is actually a very important one, right?
01:22:26.689 --> 01:22:40.849
So this comes out again in rescuing justice and equality, his book on Rawls, where he points
out that Rawls insists that the principles of justice should only apply to the basic structure of society, which is initially, at least by and large, the state and the economy, right?
01:22:41.170 --> 01:22:42.529
And civil society, right?
01:22:42.769 --> 01:22:44.689
But it shouldn't apply to the private realm.
01:22:44.769 --> 01:22:54.529
Uh but then he points out that Rawls wobbles, that's his term, not mine, on this point, under pressure from feminist critics who insist that egalitarian principles ought to be applied to the family.
01:22:55.090 --> 01:23:00.130
Rawls starts to say, well, maybe they should apply it to the family, although he's a little taciturn about that, right?
01:23:00.210 --> 01:23:09.729
Uh Cohen says once you acknowledge this wobble, or once you accept that we should wobble on this, then we acknowledge that egalitarianism ought to be a principle that we're committed to the whole way down.
01:23:09.809 --> 01:23:12.769
It ought to govern our interpersonal relations as well.
01:23:12.849 --> 01:23:16.289
Uh, and to your point, I'm not opposed to that in some circumstances.
01:23:16.449 --> 01:23:21.090
I think that actually there are good feminist reasons to apply egalitarian principles to the family.
01:23:21.170 --> 01:23:27.170
Uh, the family has very often been a site of domination uh of women and children and men on occasion, right?
01:23:27.250 --> 01:23:29.250
I don't want to kind of uh be one-sided here.
01:23:29.329 --> 01:23:33.889
Uh so we ought to think about how egalitarians protect against domination in that respect.
01:23:34.130 --> 01:23:45.569
That said, right, kind of implying, as Cohen sometimes does, that we should govern most of our life choices through a commitment to equality uh seems to me not only excessively demanding of human nature.
01:23:45.729 --> 01:23:49.969
I'm not even sure it would be desirable for us to kind of be that committed to equality, right?
01:23:50.130 --> 01:23:53.489
Uh, this is where we start to get into Peter Singer type territory, right?
01:23:53.569 --> 01:23:57.569
Where we say, you might want to be a doctor, right?
01:23:58.130 --> 01:24:09.489
But you know, it might be better for you to go do this job instead, because that will demonstrate a deeper commitment to your fellow human beings and their well-being than going and being a doctor or being a novelist or being a poet or whatever it happens to be, right?
01:24:09.729 --> 01:24:25.809
While in these kinds of circumstances, I actually think that there are good reasons to give people a lot of discretion to fulfill or lead or pursue their comprehensive life plans, even if that doesn't entail the deepest commitment to equality that might be possible or available to them at any given time, right?
01:24:25.969 --> 01:24:27.409
And that's for the two reasons I mentioned.
01:24:27.489 --> 01:24:36.369
One I just don't think that it's likely that people are going to become so self-sacrificing and altruistic anytime soon that they could live up to that strong and commitment to equality.
01:24:36.449 --> 01:24:39.250
Uh, but beyond that, I just don't think it would really be desirable either, right?
01:24:39.329 --> 01:24:51.489
I think that uh that starts to lead, frankly, towards these kind of Soviet gray leveling forms of equality that our actionaries have always criticized with mostly unfairness, but a little bit of fairness here, right?
01:24:51.809 --> 01:24:57.170
On the kind of broader point that you brought up, though, which was about sorry, can you repeat the the second point?
01:24:57.489 --> 01:25:05.649
The second point was that do you think why is Cohen so voluntaristic when it comes to individuals but not systems?
01:25:06.289 --> 01:25:07.729
Oh, okay, that's that's very fair.
01:25:07.889 --> 01:25:11.969
I think that this is because this is just an embinding tension in his work that he never reconciles, right?
01:25:12.130 --> 01:25:14.449
Uh and I pointed this out in the essay also, right?
01:25:14.529 --> 01:25:27.889
Uh, if you read Karl Marx's theory of history, it really does read like quite a deterministic text in which uh the importance of individual agency or political actors or even class struggle, as many people have pointed out, is just obliterated, right?
01:25:27.969 --> 01:25:36.849
And what you really see is a narrative that's about the importance of the development of forces of production that are going to be constitutive of the kind of society that we have.
01:25:37.009 --> 01:25:46.849
You know, you compare that with his moral theory, where there's this strong emphasis, again, as we pointed out, individual choice and try to be committed to egalitarianism.
01:25:47.170 --> 01:25:50.529
It's very hard to reconcile these two things together, right?
01:25:50.689 --> 01:26:03.009
Because the one kind of just seems to obliterate the importance of individual choice at all, and the second one makes it very, very central in a way that is uh, in some ways, even more that's actually a lot more demanding than Rawls, right?
01:26:03.090 --> 01:26:10.210
Uh, who just thought that um political theory should settle on focusing on the basic structure and its institutions, right?
01:26:10.369 --> 01:26:14.609
Now that doesn't mean Cohen couldn't have found a way to reconcile these two things together.
01:26:14.769 --> 01:26:15.969
He was a really smart guy, right?
01:26:16.050 --> 01:26:18.289
And it's I don't think it's entirely impossible.
01:26:18.369 --> 01:26:29.409
Uh, but he died relatively young at 68 when I think he still had a lot of gas in the tank intellectually, and there's just never any kind of successful conciliation between these different standpoints in his work.
01:26:29.889 --> 01:26:36.929
And I'm not really sure that there's any Cohen scholar I can think of off the top of my head who does actually manage to put these two things together in a satisfying way.
01:26:37.569 --> 01:26:47.090
Yeah, I I I appreciated that about about your defense of Cohen, is it did admit a lot of these problems that have haunted me for a while since I first read the book.
01:26:47.170 --> 01:26:48.929
God, I must have read this book.
01:26:50.529 --> 01:26:55.250
She was still alive when I read it, so it got like it was so it's gotta be a while back.
01:26:55.489 --> 01:26:57.329
Anyway, I know you have to go.
01:26:57.489 --> 01:27:00.369
I need to go to you, so we're gonna conclude here.
01:27:00.609 --> 01:27:03.729
But you'll be back on, so we'll talk about more of this in the future.
01:27:03.969 --> 01:27:12.130
Uh in fact, I think I'm gonna have Ben and maybe you come back to talk more about this Cohen book in detail and maybe get you two arguing a bit about your different interpretations of Cohen.
01:27:12.449 --> 01:27:17.329
But it's nothing like three friends arguing over my dead political philosopher.
01:27:17.489 --> 01:27:20.369
But anyway, it's the basis of being Ben's friendship, many ways.
01:27:20.609 --> 01:27:22.689
Yeah, uh, weirdly, me too.
01:27:22.769 --> 01:27:27.250
So, on that note, you have a great rest of your day, and I hope I hope these books are successful.
01:27:27.329 --> 01:27:34.130
People should check them out, particularly the repeater one, it's at a really approachable price point, and it's it's a really easy read.
01:27:34.289 --> 01:27:35.649
So thanks, buddy.
01:27:35.729 --> 01:27:36.210
I appreciate that.
01:27:36.369 --> 01:27:37.250
That's what I was attending.
01:27:37.329 --> 01:27:40.529
And uh, yeah, I'll see you around, and uh we'll catch up soon.
01:27:40.689 --> 01:27:41.649
All right, see you around.
01:27:41.729 --> 01:27:42.449
Bye bye.