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Hello and welcome back to the fall of the Roman Empire.
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My name is Nick Holmes, and this is episode 8 called Persians.
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In the last episode, we heard about Rome's political problems, which made it very susceptible to civil war.
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Essentially, this was because of Augustus's flawed political system, which didn't have a proper constitution, so that it wasn't either a republic or a monarchy.
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Instead, it was a sort of sham republic, with emperors giving themselves republican titles like consul or princep sonatus, meaning the principal senator, but in fact exercising monarchical style government.
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Now the funny thing was that this actually worked very well if you had enlightened emperors who could play the game effectively, and Rome was lucky enough to have quite a few of these, really culminating in Marcus Aurelius, who ruled from 161 to 180 AD, and was just an exceptionally intelligent and far-sighted individual whose philosophical writings, as I've mentioned before, are quite extraordinarily enough still a popular self-help book today.
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But you don't get lucky the whole time, and every so often you're going to get a mad emperor like Caligula, Nero, or Commodus, as we heard about in a previous episode.
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Now these crazy emperors weren't necessarily disastrous, since they normally just spent their time doing crazy things, which could often be fairly innocuous, like what Commodus enjoyed doing most was dressing up as a gladiator and being cheered in the Colosseum in mock battles.
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So that wasn't actually that bad for the Roman Empire.
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But what was bad was when these crazy emperors were murdered, often by those closest to them who feared for their own lives.
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For example, Commodus was actually murdered by his favourite mistress, who was getting worried that she might be the next for the chop, because what happened then was political chaos.
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There was no smooth succession and the army had a habit of stepping in and seizing power for the public good, as occurred after both Nero's and Commodus' deaths.
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And you can absolutely sympathize with why the army would want to do that.
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The problem with the Roman army was that it was so large that different units had different ideas and could end up fighting each other.
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So for example, the Eastern Army would end up fighting the Danube Army, as happened after Commodus' death.
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And this was catastrophic because not surprisingly, Rome's enemies saw this as an opportunity to invade since the Romans were fighting each other.
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Now, this became a serious spiral of destruction in the 3rd century, and it was made particularly destructive by the growing power of Rome's enemies.
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For that was what really characterized the 3rd century more than anything else.
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For one of the reasons for Rome's success, as we've discussed before, had always been the absence of powerful enemies.
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For example, Rome was very lucky not to encounter Alexander the Great in the 4th century BC.
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It was also very lucky that Alexander's successor states became pretty weak in the 2nd century BC, and Rome could fairly easily defeat them.
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And it was very lucky that the Persians and the Germans weren't that big a threat in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD.
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But all that was about to change.
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And in this episode, we'll turn to what most Romans would have said was their most dangerous enemy, and that was Persia.
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As before, I'll continue with my own research and writing about the rise to power of Persia.
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Hope you enjoy it.
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His head was bowed, his skin burnt by the sun.
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Beside him a magnificent war horse was brought by a young page boy.
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The old man looked up at the animal through bloodshot eyes.
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Then a warrior appeared, tall, strong, and with long flowing braided hair.
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He walked up to the old man and placed one foot firmly on his back.
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He pushed him onto all fours like an animal, and using him as a human mounting block, he lifted himself onto his horse.
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The old man gasped in pain.
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Seldom in human history has there been a more sorrowful sight, for only a few days before the old man had been the emperor of Rome.
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His name was Valerian.
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Now the setting sun cast a long silhouette on his conqueror, Shapur, the Persian king of kings.
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Shapur looked down on the old man and laughed.
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Soon Valerian's skin would be flayed, dyed purple and hung on display in the Persian palace at Catesiphon.
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For the Romans, such an act was unimaginable at a time when the Roman Empire regarded itself as the sole ruler of the civilized world.
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But that world was changing, and it was changing fast.
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Persia was not a new enemy but an ancient one.
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It had an illustrious past.
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In the 6th century BC, when Rome was only a small city-state, the Achaemen Persian Empire had been founded by Cyrus the
Great.
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Within a hundred years it had become the largest empire on the planet, surpassing the Tao Empire in China.
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But it met more than its match in Alexander the Great, who destroyed it in the 330s BC, spreading his rule as far east as India and Afghanistan.
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Persia then suffered a loss of identity.
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Its culture was overwhelmed, as were the cultures of most of the other Middle Eastern civilizations, by the Greek revolution that followed Alexander's conquest of Persia and some of India.
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Everywhere, Greek language and morays dominated from philosophy, literature and architecture to the pantheon of Greek gods.
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Militarily, Greek fighting methods also took over with the widespread use of the hoplite and the phalanx.
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The process of Hellenization continued for decades under the successor states founded by Alexander's generals.
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The only exception was the Jewish state, where the Jewish rebels known as the Maccabees rebelled against the Seleucids.
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Seleucus was one of Alexander's generals who founded one of the successor states, and the Maccabees established an independent Judea.
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In the aftermath of Alexander's conquest, Persia had become part of that Seleucid Empire.
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Its sense of Persian identity faded until the Seleucids were overthrown by a more genuinely Persian dynasty called the Parthians.
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However, the Parthian Empire, which lasted from 247 BC to 224 AD, was still culturally and economically the poor relation of the Hellenized Roman world.
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Militarily, although it benefited from having some superbly skilled heavy cavalry, these were limited in number since they were not a professional force, and only consisted of the elite of the Persian aristocracy.
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The rest of the Parthian army consisted of peasant levies of dubious military quality, who would typically hide behind their wicker shields and flee at the first opportunity.
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This meant that although the Parthians achieved one startling surprise victory at the Battle of Cari in fifty three BC over the foolhardy Roman Crassus, who was the third triumvir with Julius Caesar and Pompey, for the next two hundred years the Roman army became very adept at demonstrating its professional and logistical superiority over the Parthians.
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Brutally successful campaigns against Parthia were conducted by the Roman emperors Trajan and later Septimius Severus, in which the Parthians were roundly defeated and their cities sacked, including their capital Catesiphon.
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But then a dramatic change occurred.
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For in the early third century there was growing dissatisfaction amongst the Persian aristocracy about Parthia's pitiful performance against the Romans.
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At that time Parthia was weakened both by civil war and yet another successful Roman invasion in 217, this time led by the Roman Emperor Caracalla, that advanced deep into its Mesopotamian heartland.
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One challenger to the Parthian king was a minor lord called Ardashir, the grandson of a man called Sassan.
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Ardashir's fiefdom was in modern day Fars in the centre of Persia, proclaiming himself the founder of a new Persian Empire and a new dynasty called Sasanian after his grandfather Sasan, he subjugated other local rulers and then challenged the authority of the Parthian king himself, Artabanus IV.
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Artabanus's army was already weakened by years of civil war against other claimants to the throne, and it was routed in 224 AD by Ardashir's fervent followers.
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Artabanus was killed and Arshadir seized the title of Sharanshar or King of Kings.
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Ardashir quickly conquered all of the remaining Parthian Empire, basing his capital in the traditional Persian capital of Catesiphon.
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Ardashir promised to take revenge on the Romans for the many defeats they had inflicted on the Parthians, and to restore Persia to the former glory of its Achaemenid days.
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Indeed, he championed a return to the old Achaemenid Persian Empire, which had ruled the whole of the Middle East, half of which was now Roman.
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This was a declaration of war on the Roman Empire.
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But it was not just a military declaration of war, it was a cultural and religious war as well.
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Ardashir revived the traditional Persian religion of Zoroastrianism by giving its priests called Magi greater religious and secular authority.
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Zoroastrianism was and still is a sophisticated and clear-cut cosmology of good and evil in which fire and water are worshipped as agents of ritual purity.
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It stood in stark contrast to the confusing pantheon of Greek and Roman gods.
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Ardashir also patronized Persian art and architecture, reinvoking the Achaemenid traditions of massive figures carved into rock reliefs and the huge vaulted domes in palaces and public buildings.
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But most important of all, Ardashir was a remarkably effective military leader.
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His greatest achievement, however, lay not on the battlefield but in the rebuilding of the Persian military machine, for he managed to mobilize larger and better armies than the Parthians had succeeded in doing.
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He achieved
this by centralizing authority in his own hands more successfully than his Parthian predecessors.
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Although government was still largely semi-feudal, with the great Parthian and other noble families serving as vassals to the Shar and Shah or King of Kings, he reduced the power of the independent nobility by replacing them with a network of his own loyal appointees, many of whom were related to him and whom he called Shars, binding them to him through royal patronage.
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He also centralized tax collection and built up an efficient bureaucracy with more clearly defined powers and methods of tax enforcement.
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Increased tax revenues rolled into his treasury to fund his growing army.
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And there was one purpose behind all of this, to defeat the Romans.
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And to do this the Sasanians held one trump card, their cavalry.
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The traditional Persian combination of heavily mailed cavalry and light horse archers had triumphed over the Roman legionaries at the Battle of Cari in 53 BC, as I've already mentioned, and even though Rome was militarily dominant over the Parthians for the next 250 years, its slow moving legionary infantry armies always found it difficult to fight the intensely mobile Persian cavalry.
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So Ardashir concentrated on developing the Persian cavalry advantage, developing a professional Sasanian corps of heavily armoured cavalry, which was probably the most effective fighting unit on any battlefield at the time.
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As the third century developed, the Romans realized that they were at a military disadvantage against the Sasanians.
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The legionaries' weapons and tactics began to look outdated, and the Romans began to copy Persian cavalry tactics and to build up much bigger cavalry units than had existed for centuries in the Roman army.
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And in the third century, this new Sasanian dynasty became Rome's first major adversary since Carthage in 237-8 AD, with Rome distracted by increasing attacks from the German tribes along the Rhine and politically more divided than ever with an extraordinary year of the six emperors in 238 when civil war engulfed the Empire.
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Ardashir invaded Roman Mesopotamia.
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He demonstrated his army's newfound prowess in siege warfare by using mining operations to undermine enemy walls and succeeded in taking the important Roman fortified frontier towns of Nisibis, Cari, and Hattra.
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But it was his son Shapo I, who, during his long reign from 240 to 272 AD, who became Rome's most redoubtable enemy when he invaded Roman Syria in around 241.
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Unfortunately, contemporary source material is lacking and confused, making it difficult to be
sure about what really happened.
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But Persian sources make a grand claim that his army captured the great city of Antioch, Rome's third largest after Rome itself and Alexandria and Egypt.
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This is almost certainly an exaggeration, and the Persians probably only made it to the outskirts of Antioch before the Romans repelled them, but even to get that far was an extraordinary achievement.
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However, Shapo didn't have everything his own way.
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Once the Romans had resolved their internal divisions with the appointment of Gordian III as emperor, there was a successful Roman counter-attack in 243 AD, and Shapur's troops were driven out of Syria.
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But the Romans squandered this success when in 244 the Roman commander in the east, the Praetorian prefect Philip the Arab, concluded a humiliating treaty with Shapur, apparently paying half a million denarii in tribute.
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The reason for this Roman indignity was entirely due to political instability, for Gordian III died that year, and rather than fighting the Persians, Philip the Arab wanted to buy peace in order to make himself emperor.
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Therefore, at a crucial moment when the Romans were gaining the upper hand over the Sasanians, he led the Eastern Roman army west to make himself emperor.
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This Roman civil war was yet another example of the chronic weakness of the Roman political system.
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It served to snatch defeat from the jaws of what could have been a major Roman victory.
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For the moment Philip was gone, Shapur was back again, invading Syria in force in the 250s.
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And although contemporary source material is again woefully lacking and it's impossible to reconstruct an entirely accurate course of events, it seems that he captured some Roman cities near to Antioch in 251-2 and scored a significant victory over a large Roman army, 60,000 strong, according to the Persian sources, at Barbilissus on the Euphrates.
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He then probably did go on to capture Antioch, which had always been his chief objective, although the Roman ally, the king of Armenia Kosro the Great, seems to have saved the day for the Romans by scoring some successes against him on his northern flank, for the Persians appeared to have withdrawn in 254-5.
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But whatever the details of the campaign, this time Shapur had shown that the Sasanian threat to the east was no joking matter and posed a real danger to Rome's control of the eastern Mediterranean.
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This meant that the new Emperor Valerian hurried to the east to confront him with the largest army Rome had ever fielded against Persia.
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The few surviving Roman sources are yet again frustratingly vague about what actually happened.
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They suggest that Valerian's army was surrounded near Edessa in 259 or 260, and he unwisely agreed to meet Shapur to negotiate for peace.
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Whereupon Shapur tricked him and abducted him.
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However, the Persian account tells a different and very clear story.
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It says simply that Shapur achieved a decisive Persian victory, taking most of the Roman army, including the Emperor prisoner.
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Valerian the Caesar came against us with seventy thousand men, and we fought a great battle against him, and we took Valerian the Caesar with our own hands, and the provinces of Syria, Cilicia, and Cappadocia, we burnt with fire, we ravaged and conquered them, taking their people captive.
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So that's what the Persians said.
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And whatever actually happened, certainly the majority of the Roman army simply disappeared, with only a few survivors making it back.
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This was one of the worst defeats in Roman history.
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The result was catastrophe.
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Shapur marched into Syria and captured Antioch yet again, the centre of Roman administration and government in the east.
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He was now poised to advance both south into Egypt and north into Anatolia.
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It looked as if the Sasanian dream of reestablishing the boundaries of the Achaemenid Empire would become a reality.
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Rome was about to lose the eastern half of its empire.
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And that ends this episode.
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Thanks so much for listening, and I hope you enjoyed it.
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And if you did, as usual, I'd be really grateful if you wanted to subscribe, tell a friend, or best of all, to leave a review.
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That would be fantastic, thank you.
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And in the next episode, we'll continue with the decline of the Roman Empire in the third century.
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Thanks for listening and see you next time.