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We simply cannot allow people to pour into the United
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States undetected, undocumented, unchecked.
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And complete the dang fence.
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This bill that we will sign today is not a
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revolutionary bill.
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Cast down your bucket where you are. We come from France.
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And I am, you know, adamantly against illegal immigrants.
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They're coming in by the thousands, just unbelievable. A wall
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is an immorality. Who are you rooting for?
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Those masters of the universe are at it again.
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They're not sending their best. You maniac! You blew it up!
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Welcome to Parsing Immigration Policy, the podcast of the Center
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for Immigration Studies. My name is Mark Krikorian, Executive Director
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of the Center. And this week we're going to have
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another panel from the recent event we did This one
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is timely, related to sort of a calendar hook, a
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news hook here, because it is about IRCA, the Immigration
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Reform and Control Act of 1986. 40 years ago this month,
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Congress approved it after a number of years of going
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back and forth and approving one version, and then the
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Senate did one, the House didn't pass it, that sort
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of thing. Finally, 40 years ago this month, Congress approved
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the big amnesty, grand bargain really, amnesty in exchange for
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the first ever ban on hiring illegal aliens. The point
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being that would prevent new illegal immigration. Didn't work out
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as you can imagine. And so we have two veteran
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immigration officials who actually early in their careers were there
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at the old INS when all of this happened. And
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we asked them, you know, what are the lessons we learned?
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What are their impressions? What lessons have we not learned,
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et cetera? The two speakers are– the first one is
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Dan Cadman. He'll be speaking first. He is a CIS
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fellow with a long history in immigration enforcement, immigration policy matters.
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And he was at headquarters in DC. The building no
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longer
Load full transcript
exists, but the old INS headquarters when IRCA– That's
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the shorthand term for the 86 amnesty when IRCA was
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passed 40 years ago this month. And the other speaker
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is Dan Vara, who is a board member of CIS
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and was a newly minted attorney who came on board
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to INS, back then INS, basically just out of law school.
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So they both have some thoughts about you know, what
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we learned, what we should have learned, what we may
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not have learned. And I thought it was a very
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useful panel to have on this, the 40th anniversary of
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that epical legislation, I guess, because it really did shape
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legal and illegal immigration to this day and shaped the
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politics of immigration because the deal, as I suggested, was
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amnesty for established illegals in exchange for enforcement going forward
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to prevent new large illegal immigrant populations from developing. And
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that was a failure, if you're going to put it charitably,
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I think actually was a conscious betrayal. But in either case,
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it has cast a shadow, really poisoned immigration politics to
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this day, because all the assurances that if we only
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legalize this latest group of illegal immigrants, it'll all be great.
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going forward. Nobody believes it, and with good reason. And
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so Dan and Dan will be talking about their impressions. Again,
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Dan Cadman is first, followed by Dan Vera, and then
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there'll be some back and forth.
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Just to set the stage a little bit, at the
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time that IRCA was passed, in fact, I worked in
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what was then INS Central Office, and I was the
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Deputy Assistant Commissioner for Investigations. And it was my group
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that was responsible for generating the employer sanctions regulations, which
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was an interesting event at the time. If, you know,
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the subject of this little bit of our event is
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IRCA lessons learned and lessons forgotten. If I were to
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encapsulize lessons learned, it is that amnesty is a mistake.
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And if I were to encapsulize lessons forgotten,
it is
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that amnesty is a mistake. Over the years, I will
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tell you quite frankly, that my attitude toward IRCA has
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hardened to the point where I would be hard-pressed to
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tell you anything good about it, even though it was
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IRCA that brought us the ability to develop the I-9
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to create a regimen in which employers would be required
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to register their workers and to sanction them when they
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were hiring illegal aliens. And one of the things that
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sticks in my mind to this very day is that
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at the time IRCA was passed, there were 842 investigative
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officers in the United States. A year after passage, there
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were 842 investigators in the United States. And so reasonably
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to expect them to continue doing the other things they
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were doing, looking for illegal aliens, whether it was in
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the jails or on the streets. And then on top
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of that, to expect them to engage in mass education
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of employers and which was a mandate of the Reagan administration,
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and thereafter to go out and begin auditing and conducting
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worksite raids was unrealistic. The resources just really.
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Were not there.
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And I think all of these start, stop, start, stop
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that you have seen since then and which our predecessors
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on the stage referred to is a direct result of
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the way that portion of IRCA was implemented. I will
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Just say one other thing and then pass it to Dan.
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Because it was understood that IRCA was going to be huge,
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and it was, one of the major fears of the
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Reagan administration at the time is that INS would not
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be up to the job. And so it became a
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metrics exercise, getting all of the applications adjudicated. And to
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do that, something fundamental changed from a one-to-one interview to
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remote adjudications. And the result was that as an agency,
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INS got the adjudications done, but it opened the door
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to fraud. And when you lose the human element, you
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end up with things such as John Miano pointed out
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with the H program, where because it's all remote and
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because it's just paper, you have places of residence with
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dozens and dozens of people being approved for benefits to
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which they're not entitled.
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Go ahead, Dan. I have some questions, won't you guys?
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Go ahead, Dan.
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If you don't remember anything I say today, remember this,
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because I say it at every presentation I make. Immigration
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is politics, and politics is immigration. That was my experience
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with being an immigration officer for 22 years. I was
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with the service when IRCA was passed. I was right
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out of law school, just been hired, got sent from,
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I went to law school here in Virginia. got sent
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to Dallas, Texas. I'm a Texan, so went back home.
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And I was a very junior attorney, just brand new
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junior attorney. And they came to us and they said, hey,
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did you pay attention to the legislation? There's a new
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law and it's called IRCA. And this is what it means.
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We had a two-hour crash course and they said, get
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it done. That's the way the old INS used to work.
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So we started seeing the effects of IRCA almost immediately.
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Document fraud, it became a boon for that industry. If
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you thought before people were producing fraudulent documents for aliens, imagine,
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because the second adage I'll give you is immigration is
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about economics. If an alien who's making $ 50 a week
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in another country or $ 50 a month can come here
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and make $ 50 a day, he or she is going
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to do whatever they have to do to do that
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in most cases. So once they told people, If you
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can prove certain things like being here before January of
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1982 in unlawful status, and you've been residing physically present
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the entire time since the bill was passed, all they
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asked was, how can I get those documents to prove that?
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Not whether they were here, because this is the kind
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of cases we ran into. Jesus was already living in Dallas, Texas.
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He says, oh my God, I'm going to get a
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green card. So he calls his cousin and his cousin
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and their cousin. And he says, I got a guy
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here who can give you documents that can say that
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you got here. When I got here, you've been working
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at the same place I've been working at all this time.
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And you lived in the same apartment I did. They'll
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just modify the lease and say, put the names in there.
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And that's what we're going to present to the immigration service.
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So that was the first thing we ran into. The
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second thing we ran into in immigration court was we
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had all these attorneys that had never practiced immigration law
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coming in to want to practice immigration law. And here's why. Economics.
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I was a brand new trial attorney, again, a GS-11.
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I had taken a one grade downgrade because I was
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an investigator before I went to law school. So to
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come back as an undergrad, I'd take a one grade downgrade.
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I had attorneys that were practicing commercial litigation. banking law.
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They were coming in and this group came in and
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actually demanded that because I was a civil servant, I
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needed to give them a training session on IRCA because
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they wanted to get in on the business because they
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had like a thousand clients waiting to file. And they
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were going to charge every client between $ 3, 000 to $ 5, 000
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to fill out a form, fill out a form. So
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the secretaries were doing that. These attorneys were making so
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much money. So we started seeing that. Then we started
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seeing the motions to either terminate or I forget the
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other phrase they used to use, but basically take the
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case off the docket because we have a right to
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apply for legalization. Well, the only thing you had as
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a trial attorney is to argue that wait a minute,
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there is no evidence of presence before the required time.
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There's no evidence at this point that you're not a
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criminal because it was their burden to prove. So again,
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the burden got twisted and the judges would come to
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us and say, no, no, in order to oppose this,
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you're the one that's got to do all that homework
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and you've got to prove that. And all the documents
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were in whose hands? The aliens. So unless we had
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an active case, an active file on somebody We really
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couldn't do that. So it was a time of major turmoil.
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The only two things I remember that were positive for
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us was the infusion of money. At that time, INS
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was a stepchild of the Department of Justice. Nobody paid attention.
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The guys and gals I had worked with in law
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enforcement before, when I told them I was going to
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join the INS, they said, why? Why are you going
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to join INS? You know, that's not law enforcement. And
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it was. What I learned very quickly is that we
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did more things with the one Title VIII statute than
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most other people did with what they had, even if
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they had three or four statutes. So anyway, we got
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this money. We started getting the ability to do things
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that we had never done before. And then there was
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the concept, as I call it, riding the ERCO wave.
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I was a junior attorney in September of 1986. Again,
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I just entered on duty. I just passed the bar.
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And by April of 87, I was a senior attorney
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because they had hired 255 attorneys. So now I was
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training other attorneys how to do the job. So I
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rode that. I ended up in Miami doing all sorts
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of other cases, but I'll speak to that in a second.
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Okay. I had a couple of things. Observation. You said
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you were at INS headquarters when all of this happened.
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This is the old INS headquarters. The building has been
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torn down or whatever and turned into condos. But it
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had a name. It was named after somebody. So it
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wasn't named after Abraham Lincoln, who was a monument, or
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George Washington, who was a monument. It wasn't named after
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Jack Kennedy, who has the Performing Arts Center. It was
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named after Chester A. Arthur. It was the Chester A.
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Arthur building. Now, no disrespect to President Arthur, but it
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is an indication of the relatively low esteem in which
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INS was held. At least it wasn't the Franklin Pierce
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building or something like that. But one thing I wanted
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to ask, one, I don't necessarily need an answer. The other,
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I want to see if you guys have some good stories.
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In 1990... After everybody, all the illegals had at least
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been provisionally amnestied. Some of them were still, they didn't
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have green cards yet, but they had their temporary status.
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Ted Kennedy, Orrin Hatch, and the National Council of La
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Raza got together to repeal the ban on hiring illegal
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aliens because that was the deal of IRCA. Amnesty people
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who've been here in exchange for going forward, banning the
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hiring of illegal aliens so we wouldn't have this problem.
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Do you guys get the sense, and you weren't in Congress,
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so do you guys get the sense this was the
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plan all along? Because I don't think Ted Kennedy or
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the La Raza had any interest in employer sanctions. They
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resisted it. They hated it. And so I think this
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was an intentional plan. Get everybody in the pipeline, and
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then let's pull the plug and undo the grand bargain
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that they had agreed to.
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Maybe it's my generally cynical nature, but yes, I think
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that was the whole point, and I think that's the
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point every time you see an amnesty brought forward, that
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whatever the good intentions may be of those Republicans who
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are willing to vote for such a thing, that is
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never going to be the intention of people who want
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open borders. It's, you know, it's a Charlie Brown football thing.
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They're going to put the football up there, he's going
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to kick, and the football is gone. There's no doubt
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in my mind whatever that the intention was then and
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will forever be whenever an amnesty is proposed, either to
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pull that football away after the fact or embedded with
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the language, you find all of these obscure provisions that
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while the language, the so-called balancing language is there that
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we're going to make them pay back taxes, they're going
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to pay substantial fines. If you look at it, all
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of that language is replete with waivers and conditions that
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virtually guarantee no one will ever, ever pay a fine.
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You're not going to find any way to enforce paying
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back taxes because they were paid under the table. And
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all you've gotten out of it, once again, is a
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cottage industry of phony documents that breed more phony documents.
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And if it's like IRCA, which seems to be the pattern,
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there was a confidentiality provision which precluded the adjudicators from
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passing any of that information along to anyone so that
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investigators could follow up on it, which virtually sealed the
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loop and guaranteed that at some point, the individual applicant
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was going to receive the benefit.
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So there was no risk to coming in with phony documents,
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because either you succeeded, or if you didn't, it's like, oh, well,
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I'll go and get another phony document and try again.
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Pretty much.
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Dan, Barrett?
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Yeah, and I agree. And I can tell you, once again,
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to my adage about politics, Some of the things that
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we saw, it was the first time, and again, I
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just joined the INS, but back in the day, the
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trial attorneys really had nothing to do with investigations or
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any of the other enforcement folks. They didn't come to
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us for anything. Well, employer sanctions changed that. They had
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to come and get our approval to issue the fine.
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I don't remember how it worked, but as a
district
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council at one point, I had to sign all the
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sanctions notices. Well, What we started seeing was we were
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doing so well in doing that, that the politicians got involved.
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They said, you can hit that place, but you can't
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hit that place.
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And the other place donates money to my campaign and
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the other one doesn't.
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Well, it's even worse than that. I'll give you a
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very specific example. I signed off on one and they
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hit this place that was a very famous restaurant in Miami.
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And they'd been watching it for weeks. I think we
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had another cover in there. They went, they hit this
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place and it all went to hell. The Miami Herald,
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Channel 7, everybody in Miami was talking about it. And
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we were called from headquarters immediately told that's it, no
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more employer sanctions operations altogether because they made a mistake.
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The agents did. They hit the place a day that
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there was a big luncheon for the who's who of
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Miami social society. And they started, offending a lot of
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the nice women that were married to the mayor and
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the city council and other people like that. That's how
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political it was.
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One of the most kind of colorful and memorable things
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in the wake of or in the process of IRCA
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was the fraud in the farm worker portion of the amnesty.
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Because there was the one you referred to, which was
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you have to show you were here before a certain date.
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But there was another subsection of the amnesty, which is
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you had to show that you'd done a certain amount
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of farm work. And I remember Bill King, who's now
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passed away, was one of the former Border Patrol, did
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a lot of the interviews. People were, they said, yeah,
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I worked on a watermelon farm. And so they said, oh,
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so do you pick the watermelons off of the watermelon trees?
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And they said, oh, yeah, I picked the watermelons off
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the trees. Or they dug the cherries out of the
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ground because they grow. Or they picked purple cotton. Anyway,
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so do you have any particularly colorful and memorable stories
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about fraud?
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Well, I will just frame that and say it was
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called the SAW, Seasonal Agricultural Worker Provision. And all it
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required is that you prove in some attenuated fashion, some
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bogus fashion, that that you had performed 90 days of
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agricultural work, I think, within the past five years.
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That's nothing.
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And yet, there were these stories of people who had
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absolutely no knowledge of the product they were claiming that
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they had worked in. And yet, in many instances, they
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just weren't caught because the volume was such in these
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remote locations. that they were, you know, nose to the grindstone, widgets, widgets, widgets,
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crank them through. And the metrics, when you look back
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on it, focusing on metrics as a proof of success
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is just absolutely abysmal.
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I have a case example. Yeah, the name's Danny Toussaint.
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I got a call from the FBI National Security Division saying,
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we got a guy coming into your jurisdiction. He's a Haitian.
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He's the former police chief. We're investigating him because he's
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committed a whole bunch of homicides that we believe he's committed.
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But somehow... some way, somebody said he could come to
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the United States. So I said, not a problem. Well,
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when I get to the office, we'll look at him
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and we'll charge him. So I look at his file.
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As soon as I open it up, it's a big file.
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And the first thing I see is what Dan was
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talking about, the 90 million designation And I look at
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this guy, he was a permanent resident alien who claimed
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he had worked 90 man days in agriculture. If you
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saw the picture of this guy, he went to the
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School of the Americas at Fort Benning, Georgia. He was
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special forces. He was a hitter.
That's why Aristide brought
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him back to Haiti to be his enforcer. And I said,
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this guy doesn't even know what a farm is, much
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less ever having worked at the farm. And obviously we
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charged them. It created a big turmoil, but ultimately he
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left the country voluntarily and gave up his green card
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because he knew it was all fraud. But that's what
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we saw as a result of IRCA.
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One of the people who got a green card through SAW,
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through the agricultural part of the amnesty, was an Egyptian
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cabbie in New York named Mahmoud Abu Halima, who again
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had never seen a farm, wouldn't know what a farm
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was if he fell into one. And it was only
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when he got his green card was he able to
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go abroad, get his terrorist training, and was one of
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the leaders of the first World Trade Center bombing. So,
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I mean, there's a clear, as we've said a number
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of times here, normal immigration enforcement actually serves a security function,
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even though most of the people caught up in it
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are not going to be necessarily terrorists or other kind
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of security threats.
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There's just one last observation I'd make, and it has
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to do with remote adjudications. And, you know, the argument
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was we needed the remote adjudications in order to be
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able to handle the large number of applicants that we're
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going to get both in regular amnesty and so on.
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And that may or may not have been true, but
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it reminds me of adding another lane on an oversubscribed highway.
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Have you ever really seen that reduce the number of
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traffic on a highway? No, it encourages more. And that,
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I think, is what remote adjudications have done and amnesty generally.
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It just breeds more of the same.
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So that was the discussion between Dan Cadman and Dan
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Vara on the lessons learned and lessons not learned from
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the big amnesty that President Reagan signed 40 years ago.
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And it really should be shaping our thinking about proposals
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like the Dignidad Act, which is actually called that in
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Spanish instead of English by Congresswoman Salazar. from South Florida,
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which essentially would just be a replay of the 1986
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approach to immigration, just like the Gang of Eight bill
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during the Obama administration would have been just like the
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Kennedy-McCain bill or various iterations of it during the George W.
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Bush administration. So this is an important topic that we
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may even come back to in the future, but it
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was good to hear from two veterans about what they
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took from that experience. The final thing I wanted to
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mention and draw your attention to, we'll have a link
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in the show notes, is a new report from the
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Inspector General at Homeland Security. And it was about a
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subject that people don't really often pay that much attention to,
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and that is visa overstays. There's two ways you can
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become an illegal immigrant. One is obviously you sneak across
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the border. That's what everybody is familiar with. That's what
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they think of. in your mind's eye when somebody mentions
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illegal immigration. But there's also a very significant share of
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illegal immigration, which comes from visa overstays. People who enter legally,
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they come in on a visa or maybe a visa
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waiver or whatever it is, they come in lawfully and
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then just don't leave or violate the terms of their
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visa in some other way. And this is important going
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forward because now with the border The illegal crossings at
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the border at the lowest level in 100 years, 150
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years maybe, most new illegal immigration is going to be
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from visa overstays. This IG report was about the approach
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to overstays, visa overstays during the Biden administration. And just
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saying that you can imagine what it was and it
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was as bad as you think because the Biden administration
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did not take border illegal immigration seriously. In fact, I
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think it's fair to say they actually promoted it. Six
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million people who had no right to come into the
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United States were taken into custody and then just let go,
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in addition to others who snuck by the border patrol.
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But the same approach was taken by the Biden administration
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to visa overstays. And I won't go into all the
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details here, but two things that really jumped out at
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me is that the visa overstays tracked by Customs and
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Border Protection, that's the unit within Homeland Security that does
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these things. The last year, from the last year under
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Trump to the first year under Biden, these overstays quadrupled, quadrupled.
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And the approach of the Biden DHS was, in my opinion,
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can only be described as frivolous. And the only other
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statistic I'm going to mention here, and again, we'll have
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the link if you really want to read this, is
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that even those visa overstays that the Biden-Mayorkas DHS identified
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as posing the greatest threat to public safety, they called
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them priority one leads. And even then, it wasn't that
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many in a particular year. even there, only 5% of
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them did ICE investigate. And even in those 5%, which
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were only like several dozen cases, there were only two arrests.
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So the Biden approach to the border was also the
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Biden approach to visa overstays. And it just highlights how
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important it is to have an administration that takes this
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issue seriously. There are plenty of things that the current
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administration has should be doing and isn't, in my opinion,
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on immigration. Chief among them, worksite enforcement. It's happening, but
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nowhere near where it should be happening. That having been said,
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this report highlights how the switch from the Biden administration
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to the Trump administration was night and day. And the
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irresponsibility of the Biden administration was almost... too much for
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me to imagine. I did not think even they would
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be this irresponsible. So anyway, that's it for this week's
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episode of Parsing Immigration Policy. Thanks to Dan Cadman and
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Dan Vara for participating in the panel. Thank you to
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Brian Griffith, our producer, for making this whole thing work.
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And thanks to you for tuning in. And I hope
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you'll tune in next week.