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Hello, this is Paul Saunders with the Center
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for the National Interest. Thank you for joining
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me for another episode of my Three Questions
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podcast. I'm really pleased to have with me today
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one of our alumni, actually, Damian Kurnovich
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Miskovic, to talk about the recent elections
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in Serbia. There are a lot of interesting things
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about those elections. People who have watched
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reports may have seen the story of these kind
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of frustrated student groups really leading an
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effort that really overturned Serbian politics.
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I mentioned that Damian was an alum. He was managing
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editor of the National Interest for two years
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and also a fellow in European studies at what
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was then the Nixon Center and is now the Center
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for the National Interest. more than two decades
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ago. So thank you, Damian, you know, for your
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extended loyalty and coming back today. And after
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that, he returned to Belgrade, the capital of
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Serbia. He was a foreign policy advisor to the
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first democratically elected president of Serbia.
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and then was a senior advisor to the foreign
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minister. This was from 2004 to 2012. And at
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that point, his boss became the president of
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the UN General Assembly in kind of a dramatic
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or somewhat dramatic, at least, contested election.
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That was the first since the end of the Cold
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War. And he moved to New York to work as a senior
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advisor to the president of the General Assembly.
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And for the last several years, Damian has been
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in Baku, Azerbaijan, where he's a professor of
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practice at the ADA University. That's the Azerbaijan
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Diplomatic Academy University in Baku. He is
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director for foreign policy research and analysis
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at the Institute for Development and Diplomacy,
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is co -editor of Baku Dialogues, a journal that
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the Institute produces, visiting scholar at the
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American Foreign Policy Council, fellow at the
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Agora Strategy Institute. co -founded by Wolfgang
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Ischinger in Germany. He edited two books about
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the conflict over Karabakh, and he has written
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nearly 100 articles and op -eds for various publications,
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including our beloved National Interest Journal
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and now website. With that long introduction,
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thank you, Damien, for being with me today. Thank
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you, Paul. It's always good to have anything
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to do with the Center for the National Interest.
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Well, thank you very much. That's very kind.
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I'm going to go out on a limb and suggest that
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most of our listeners are probably not paying
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super close attention to Serbian politics on
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an ongoing basis. Many may have seen that there
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was a kind of a... pretty dramatic election that
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happened. Could you start out just by explaining
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from your point of view, like what happened and
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why? Sure. Let me see if I can do this in a way
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that doesn't sound overdramatic, but that I think
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is underappreciated. When Vucic and his cronies
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came to power in this, until even in the context
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of this election, really the last free and fair
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election in Serbia in 2012, They began in a very
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systematic way to really capture the state. And
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over time, Vucic and his sort of core group of,
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you know, collaborators really did engage in
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what amounts to sort of running an organized
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criminal enterprise in whilst eventually becoming
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sort of the head of state of the country. It's
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something that's underappreciated, I think, because...
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One of the characteristics of his rule was that
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he was willing to engage with and make whatever
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concessions were necessary with the various sort
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of relevant external actors to, you know, allow
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him to continue to engage in very repressive
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political activity domestically, but to do so
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in a way that ensured that criticism from abroad
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was left at a bare minimum. So you're saying
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he kind of did like just enough to keep
Load full transcript
Western
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governments from really becoming upset. Yes.
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And not just Western governments. I think that
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he was very accommodationist, not just with the
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United States and the European Union and some
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of the main member states of the EU, but also
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Russia and China and Turkey and, you know, so
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on. He was very, very skilled at. Being able
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to do that and to play some of them off against
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each other, to make whatever concessions to allow
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dirty money to come in, to construct entire new
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neighborhoods, to do whatever really was required
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in order for him and his core group of co -conspirators
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to just be able to have free reign domestically
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in the country. And there are a whole bunch of
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reasons for that that we can get into, but that
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was essentially his modus operandi. Now, within
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that context, obviously, corruption was ripe.
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You know, all of the usual things that you would
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imagine as a result of this way of conducting
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domestic affairs. A couple of years ago, one
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of these construction projects, which was the
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construction of a new train station in a city
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to the north of Belgrade called Novi Sad, there
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was this canopy over this. train station that
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Vucic had stated was, you know, the cutting edge
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of European train stations or whatever, the canopy
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collapsed because of shoddy construction and,
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you know, no inspections and all the rest of
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it. And it killed nearly 20 people. No, there
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was no accountability. There was no, no one resigned.
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No one got, you know, there was no trial, nothing,
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right? Just straight up impunity. And the consequence
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of all of this was that there arose this bottom
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-up movement that was led by students, high school
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students, university students, graduate students,
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that slowly coalesced into a real popular movement
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of discontent. They were able to capture the
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opposition political space because they were
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able to portray the various opposition parties
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as being ineffective or not having the right
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kind of leadership or whatever. which was not
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exactly untrue. And at the same time, they were
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able slowly to push back through a really good,
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incredibly well thought out grassroots campaign
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that involved really just traveling to every
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little hamlet in the country. They were able
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to gain ground against the Vucic regime. And
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all of this culminated in Vucic calling an early
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election that he clearly thought he would win.
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He was term limited to two terms as president.
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And so he resigned for tactical reasons so that
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he could lead his party's list for this parliamentary
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election. What the students ended up doing through
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a very interesting and basically unique selection
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process, they came up with a list of candidates,
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none of whom were students, but who had been
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basically approved through a series of direct
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democracy plenaries and various faculties across
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the country. They put forward this, what ended
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up being called the student list. And the student
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list won the election, which was more or less
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free, but certainly not fair in the sense of
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media coverage and all the rest of it. But they
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were able to do two things at the same time.
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They democratically overthrew the Vucic regime,
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but they also swept aside the opposition, including
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some figures who had been instrumental in the
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democratic overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic in
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September, October 2000. So it really was, in
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a way, a clean sweep. And now we're a week out
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since the election happened. And, you know, all
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sorts of procedures need to take place. The election
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results need to be certified and all the rest
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of it. And then a new parliament constituted
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and the government needs to be formed and all
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that. But, you know, in another month or two,
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the student list or the government nominated
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by the student list will be in power. process
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that you just described, I kind of have to ask
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myself a question. And since I don't know the
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answer, I'm going to ask you instead. Well, I
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might know the answer. Which is the following.
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You know, what you've described, it kind of makes
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me ask myself the student list in assembling
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what must have been a pretty broad coalition,
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taking certainly voters away from the opposition
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because they, you know, they beat the opposition,
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but also taking voters away from people who kind
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of one assumes at least historically had supported
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the regime, you know, but had become very frustrated
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with that perhaps over time. Is that the kind
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of group that's going to have like a unifying
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philosophy of governance and sort of a shared?
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domestic agenda, a shared foreign policy agenda,
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or is it at risk of kind of falling apart? Because
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it was an anti -movement, not a pro -movement,
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if you know what I mean. The atmosphere was really
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referendum -like, right? I'm not the first to
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say this. The students, one of the tricks that
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the students, and I don't mean this in a negative
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way, one of the tricks that the students were
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able to do, or to pull off was to make it a binary
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choice so that they were relatively soft on policy,
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except sort of by bringing out general principles,
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most of which involved, you know, returning the
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country to normalcy, right? The level of corruption
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is astounding. The level of graft and the strength
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of organized criminal networks, the, you know,
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you have betting houses and casinos all over
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the place. You've got all sorts of Just a terrible
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state of affairs domestically, notwithstanding
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the fact that the economy has done relatively
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well. But socially, it's a mess. It's a real
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mess. The level of division, you know, the tension
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that you felt on the streets, certainly in the
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past few years, total impunity, and so on. It
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was the basic tenets of the program are something
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like this, real, serious, comprehensive lustration.
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Right. Even more than what the Czech Republic
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did in the early 90s. Lustration being just like
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a clean sweep of officials affiliated with the
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past government. Yes. And so, you know, they
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haven't gotten into the details how many years
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this and that, but basically some version of
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a, aside from people being removed from the positions
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that they were put in, you know, through irregular
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means on various, you know, party lists, quotas,
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whatever else. But also, I think, I would hope
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that this would also result in looking forward
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in a ban on any kind of participation in public
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life. This, again, is something that the Czechs
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did right after the fall of the Berlin Wall.
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It's something that was done in other crucial
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political circumstances. This is something that
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Serbia needs. This is something that we didn't
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do in the year 2000 because of the coalition.
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that came together to overthrow Miloshevich.
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There were some in that coalition who were against
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this sort of thing. That was obviously a mistake.
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I think that the students understand that that
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mistake cannot be repeated. When I say the students,
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I mean the student list. But also, you know,
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rule of law, right? One of the chief characteristics
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of the Vucic regime was that you had, at the
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very best, a selective application of the rule
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of law. You had a downgrading of the power of
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institutions, of the normal functioning of...
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the institutions of government, again, because
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of corruption and all the rest of it. And so
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you have, you know, this basic sort of, you know,
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set of not just principles, but then applying
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them to the Serbian domestic context. That is,
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there's, I think, total unity in the context
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of the student list, that is to say
the MPs,
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but also the students who stand behind them and
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the voters, that this is something that is necessary
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to do and that that should be the top priority
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of the new government. How long that takes, how
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it will happen is, of course, yet to be determined.
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And I don't think it's a strike against them
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that they haven't, you know, worked out the details
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of how to do this. Because part of the issue
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is that still we don't have anything resembling
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an accurate audit of how bad it really is because
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of the way that the country was run for 14 years.
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On the other hand, you can't conduct an audit
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for a year because you're still going to have
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all of these associates of the Vucic regime who
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need to be. removed from from the institutions
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if serbia is going to have any kind of chance
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at really standing up on its own two feet again
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just kind of shifting gears here into sort of
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a second set of of questions serbia obviously
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is not a european union member but certainly
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you know a part of kind of geographical europe
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and cultural europe and you know economically
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very integrated and all kinds of other things.
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You know, there are a number of people who have
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looked at this election and tried to sort of
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draw Europe wide. lessons from it, because we
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have sort of these two trends and I'm going to
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like grossly oversimplify, you know, but on the
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one hand, you know, we have there was a really
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significant election in Hungary several months
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ago and Viktor Orban, who. From what you're describing,
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you know, sounds like he was not so different
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from Mr. Vujicic in certain respects. You know,
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that was a government that was extremely corrupt
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and that kind of lost an election in no small
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part on that basis. And there's sort of a turn
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toward kind of a more... Democratic, with a small
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d, Hungarian political system. Recognizing, by
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the way,
that the new president, Peter Magyar,
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is very much also right of center in the way
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that Orban was. So it's not a sort of a total
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overturning. And then on the other hand, you
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know, we're having kind of this march of regional
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elections, you know, across Germany, where we're
00:15:55.159 --> 00:16:00.519
seeing sort of more and more the AFD, you know,
00:16:00.580 --> 00:16:03.679
the Alternative für Deutschland, this sort of
00:16:03.679 --> 00:16:07.639
very much to the right party that's just sort
00:16:07.639 --> 00:16:12.639
of generating anxiety all across Europe that's
00:16:12.639 --> 00:16:15.940
linked to kind of Germany's political history.
00:16:16.440 --> 00:16:20.659
Where does the Serbian election fit into that
00:16:20.659 --> 00:16:23.899
framework, if at all? I don't think it fits at
00:16:23.899 --> 00:16:26.500
all. Look, the student list, both the students
00:16:26.500 --> 00:16:29.559
as a group, again, to simplify, and the people
00:16:29.559 --> 00:16:34.080
on the list who got elected as MPs, some are
00:16:34.080 --> 00:16:35.899
on the left, some are in the center, some are
00:16:35.899 --> 00:16:38.860
on the right, some are in between. But I don't
00:16:38.860 --> 00:16:42.139
think that this was an ideological election in
00:16:42.139 --> 00:16:44.940
the sense of left -right. I think this was a...
00:16:45.049 --> 00:16:46.690
Maybe the best way to put it is that it was an
00:16:46.690 --> 00:16:50.210
ideological election between justice and tyranny.
00:16:50.509 --> 00:16:53.149
And I mean this really seriously. There is a
00:16:53.149 --> 00:16:56.889
very, very small appetite amongst the circles
00:16:56.889 --> 00:17:01.970
of those who are now about to take power to fight
00:17:01.970 --> 00:17:03.990
anything that resembles a culture war. We have
00:17:03.990 --> 00:17:06.890
a lot more fundamental and basic things to do
00:17:06.890 --> 00:17:10.029
than to worry about left -right divisions on
00:17:10.029 --> 00:17:12.460
various issues. We're just not there yet. This
00:17:12.460 --> 00:17:15.240
is not something that is on the agenda in any
00:17:15.240 --> 00:17:18.500
serious way. I'm not saying that this won't obviously
00:17:18.500 --> 00:17:21.039
come up because, you know, in politics, it's
00:17:21.039 --> 00:17:23.539
impossible to avoid this, but it will and should
00:17:23.539 --> 00:17:27.119
come later in the sense of getting to the top
00:17:27.119 --> 00:17:32.380
of the agenda. So it's a special case, I guess,
00:17:32.460 --> 00:17:36.720
is what you're saying. It's not part of a sort
00:17:36.720 --> 00:17:41.059
of a continental political narrative. Well, it's,
00:17:41.059 --> 00:17:44.170
you know, You'll know this, and some of the people
00:17:44.170 --> 00:17:45.630
who are listening to this will know that I had
00:17:45.630 --> 00:17:47.869
something to do with Serbia's policy towards
00:17:47.869 --> 00:17:50.869
to counter Kosovo's unilateral declaration of
00:17:50.869 --> 00:17:53.309
independence. And the proponents of this used
00:17:53.309 --> 00:17:57.589
this wonderful term, sui generis. a unique case.
00:17:57.769 --> 00:18:01.509
So let me say that the circumstances that led
00:18:01.509 --> 00:18:04.049
to the overthrow, the democratic overthrow of
00:18:04.049 --> 00:18:06.990
the Vucic tyranny were sui generis. I think that
00:18:06.990 --> 00:18:09.289
there are some, including Magyar himself, who
00:18:09.289 --> 00:18:12.509
sort of tried to take some credit for this. You
00:18:12.509 --> 00:18:14.890
know, I set the standard and now the Serbs are
00:18:14.890 --> 00:18:17.390
falling. No, that's simply not the case. One
00:18:17.390 --> 00:18:19.970
of the fundamental differences is the fact that
00:18:19.970 --> 00:18:23.789
there was no leader, no individual leading the
00:18:23.789 --> 00:18:26.710
push against the Vucic regime. And that was done
00:18:26.710 --> 00:18:29.950
on purpose in part to prevent co -optation or
00:18:29.950 --> 00:18:32.809
blackmail or whatever you'd like by Vucic and
00:18:32.809 --> 00:18:34.609
the regime and the services and all the rest
00:18:34.609 --> 00:18:38.670
of it. And so that is something that you don't
00:18:38.670 --> 00:18:41.490
see anywhere else in Europe. That's actually
00:18:41.490 --> 00:18:45.130
a very interesting piece of it. Absolutely. Maybe
00:18:45.130 --> 00:18:52.140
we can move on now to kind of a third area. Which
00:18:52.140 --> 00:18:55.039
is, you know, what do you think this means for
00:18:55.039 --> 00:18:59.799
Serbia's foreign policy, for its interaction,
00:19:00.000 --> 00:19:02.500
you know, first and foremost with the European
00:19:02.500 --> 00:19:06.980
Union and its neighbors in Europe, but also with,
00:19:07.019 --> 00:19:10.500
you know, other key geopolitical actors, you
00:19:10.500 --> 00:19:13.359
know, the United States, Russia. There's obviously
00:19:13.359 --> 00:19:17.339
a long historical, cultural relationship with
00:19:17.339 --> 00:19:22.039
Russia and China. Yeah. OK, let's. You're the
00:19:22.039 --> 00:19:23.880
boss here. Tell me where you want me to begin.
00:19:24.619 --> 00:19:26.940
Well, let's start with Europe. Let's start with
00:19:26.940 --> 00:19:28.839
Europe because I think that's most immediate.
00:19:29.200 --> 00:19:32.140
So the student list put out a relatively short,
00:19:32.220 --> 00:19:35.720
succinct program of its vision of how to engage
00:19:35.720 --> 00:19:39.099
with neighboring countries and then sort of major
00:19:39.099 --> 00:19:42.460
powers. The first sentence in the public version
00:19:42.460 --> 00:19:44.539
of this program reads as follows with regards
00:19:44.539 --> 00:19:47.500
to the European Union. The European Union is
00:19:47.500 --> 00:19:49.339
the Republic of Serbia's most important economic
00:19:49.339 --> 00:19:52.619
partner. accounting for nearly 60 % of its foreign
00:19:52.619 --> 00:19:56.220
trade in 2025, a clear indication of the depth
00:19:56.220 --> 00:19:58.759
and value of this partnership. It then goes on
00:19:58.759 --> 00:20:00.819
to say a whole bunch of other things, but nowhere
00:20:00.819 --> 00:20:06.759
in there does it directly refer to Serbia maintaining
00:20:06.759 --> 00:20:10.920
its sort of central strategic priority of acceding
00:20:10.920 --> 00:20:12.880
to the European Union, that is to say, of becoming
00:20:12.880 --> 00:20:15.740
a fully -fledged, you know, free and equal member
00:20:15.740 --> 00:20:18.759
of the European Union. The reason for that, or
00:20:18.759 --> 00:20:21.319
at least one of the reasons for that, is because
00:20:21.319 --> 00:20:25.059
it's so obviously far off. And making a declarative
00:20:25.059 --> 00:20:27.200
statement just for the sake of making a declarative
00:20:27.200 --> 00:20:29.839
statement, that's the kind of politics that I
00:20:29.839 --> 00:20:31.640
think that the student list is not interested
00:20:31.640 --> 00:20:35.519
in doing. Obviously, the new government is going
00:20:35.519 --> 00:20:38.839
to need and is going to expect serious engagement
00:20:38.839 --> 00:20:41.960
from the European Union and other states. Obviously,
00:20:41.960 --> 00:20:44.500
Serbia needs a lot of help to get back on its
00:20:44.500 --> 00:20:48.119
feet. Making these kinds of statements just for
00:20:48.119 --> 00:20:50.660
the sake of making them is not, that's not the
00:20:50.660 --> 00:20:54.619
priority. Obviously, having as close of a relationship
00:20:54.619 --> 00:20:57.460
with the European Union, especially in the economic
00:20:57.460 --> 00:21:00.599
dimension, is fundamentally in Serbia's interest
00:21:00.599 --> 00:21:04.359
and nobody would deny that. But that is far from
00:21:04.359 --> 00:21:08.619
expecting or, you know, being realistic about
00:21:08.619 --> 00:21:11.839
the fact that. membership, the question of membership
00:21:11.839 --> 00:21:15.140
in the accession process and the negotiations
00:21:15.140 --> 00:21:17.539
and all that stuff, that's going to take years.
00:21:17.660 --> 00:21:20.079
I don't know how many. Nobody can say with any
00:21:20.079 --> 00:21:22.380
degree of seriousness how many. And that's not
00:21:22.380 --> 00:21:26.000
something that's worth getting into at this stage
00:21:26.000 --> 00:21:29.059
in the context of the student list. So I don't
00:21:29.059 --> 00:21:31.559
think that you can say that the incoming government
00:21:31.559 --> 00:21:34.460
is pro -EU or pro -America or pro -Russia or
00:21:34.460 --> 00:21:37.319
pro -China, pro -whatever you want. No, I think
00:21:37.319 --> 00:21:41.059
that they're pro themselves. You mean in the
00:21:41.059 --> 00:21:44.079
sense of being pro -Serbia? Pro -Serbia. This
00:21:44.079 --> 00:21:46.779
is a political movement that needs to lead a
00:21:46.779 --> 00:21:49.460
process of domestic transformation that is really
00:21:49.460 --> 00:21:52.339
going to be difficult to achieve. And the pursuit
00:21:52.339 --> 00:21:55.740
of any policy, especially any foreign policy,
00:21:55.900 --> 00:21:59.200
that can create fissures in this genuinely well
00:21:59.200 --> 00:22:02.900
put together broad coalition of Democrats, small
00:22:02.900 --> 00:22:05.960
d, is not something that I think the student
00:22:05.960 --> 00:22:09.259
list is interested in pursuing. So I hope that
00:22:09.259 --> 00:22:11.420
the European Union and the United States and
00:22:11.420 --> 00:22:15.339
everyone else will look favorably upon this kind
00:22:15.339 --> 00:22:17.480
of approach that the people who just won the
00:22:17.480 --> 00:22:20.220
election and who are, after all, going to be
00:22:20.220 --> 00:22:23.220
the electoral embodiment of the sovereignty of
00:22:23.220 --> 00:22:25.740
the country will respect it and take it seriously.
00:22:26.099 --> 00:22:28.299
There's also another thing, and this is something
00:22:28.299 --> 00:22:30.599
that is a bitter pill to swallow. The European
00:22:30.599 --> 00:22:33.339
Union supported the Vucic regime from the very
00:22:33.339 --> 00:22:37.759
beginning, and that support went on almost. fully
00:22:37.759 --> 00:22:40.779
until the very end. Supported in what sense?
00:22:41.099 --> 00:22:44.099
Financially, politically? Financially, politically,
00:22:44.400 --> 00:22:47.700
diplomatically. The condemnations were few and
00:22:47.700 --> 00:22:51.359
far between. The language was always very soft.
00:22:52.259 --> 00:22:56.160
It was as if both Brussels and Belgrade thought
00:22:56.160 --> 00:22:58.440
that there was a mutual advantage in both sides
00:22:58.440 --> 00:23:01.480
pretending that they are moving closer to one
00:23:01.480 --> 00:23:06.099
another. From the perspective of Serbia, I can
00:23:06.099 --> 00:23:10.880
kind of... envision why the Serbian leadership
00:23:10.880 --> 00:23:14.539
might want to pretend that for domestic political
00:23:14.539 --> 00:23:18.099
reasons. From the perspective of the Europeans,
00:23:18.440 --> 00:23:21.799
maybe to pivot a little bit, would you attribute
00:23:21.799 --> 00:23:25.900
that to the geopolitical competition between
00:23:25.900 --> 00:23:29.339
the Europeans and Russia? Is that? where that's
00:23:29.339 --> 00:23:31.700
coming from? Or is there some other reason for
00:23:31.700 --> 00:23:35.819
that? And kind of how do you, what attitude do
00:23:35.819 --> 00:23:39.279
you think the student list government, you know,
00:23:39.279 --> 00:23:41.619
would have toward Moscow? I know you said they
00:23:41.619 --> 00:23:44.440
wouldn't be kind of pro -Russian or pro -anything
00:23:44.440 --> 00:23:46.420
else, but how do you think they're going to think
00:23:46.420 --> 00:23:49.640
about Russia? Yeah, look, it predates this whole
00:23:49.640 --> 00:23:52.480
sort of
European Union support for the Vucic
00:23:52.480 --> 00:23:56.910
regime predates the onset of the current. you
00:23:56.910 --> 00:23:59.549
know, stage in the conflict over Ukraine. That
00:23:59.549 --> 00:24:02.730
goes back a lot earlier. And it's a very long
00:24:02.730 --> 00:24:04.809
and complicated question. I will only say this
00:24:04.809 --> 00:24:08.009
for reasons of time, that there was for a very
00:24:08.009 --> 00:24:12.369
long time a distinct lack of enthusiasm for expanding
00:24:12.369 --> 00:24:15.690
the European Union. And clearly the Western Balkans
00:24:15.690 --> 00:24:19.029
were the next phase of that. And the enthusiasm
00:24:19.029 --> 00:24:24.730
there was not exactly high. And so it was a great
00:24:24.730 --> 00:24:27.839
way to not, for the EU not to have to basically
00:24:27.839 --> 00:24:30.700
say, we're going to pause or do anything like
00:24:30.700 --> 00:24:34.599
that. But, you know, if you don't hit back at,
00:24:34.700 --> 00:24:37.779
in the context of accession negotiations against
00:24:37.779 --> 00:24:40.180
the regime that's clearly not moving forward
00:24:40.180 --> 00:24:43.279
to comply with all of the various requirements
00:24:43.279 --> 00:24:46.539
to qualify for the conclusion of the accession
00:24:46.539 --> 00:24:49.000
talks, that makes it easier for you to continue
00:24:49.000 --> 00:24:51.039
to be able to say, yes, yes, we're all in favor
00:24:51.039 --> 00:24:56.240
of it. But in fact, Right. I understand what
00:24:56.240 --> 00:24:59.720
you're saying. With regards to Russia, look,
00:24:59.859 --> 00:25:04.759
Serbia and Russia have, in a way, a singular
00:25:04.759 --> 00:25:07.640
relationship. Without getting into all of the
00:25:07.640 --> 00:25:11.200
details here, it's easier for Serbia than for
00:25:11.200 --> 00:25:14.980
a lot of other countries to look favorably at
00:25:14.980 --> 00:25:18.599
Russia, in part because they're far away and
00:25:18.599 --> 00:25:21.440
in part because they never stayed. If you look
00:25:21.440 --> 00:25:23.799
at the last couple of centuries, it would be
00:25:23.799 --> 00:25:26.460
very difficult of sort of the bilateral relationship.
00:25:26.480 --> 00:25:29.099
It would be very difficult to come up with a
00:25:29.099 --> 00:25:32.440
long list of issues where Serbia and Russia were
00:25:32.440 --> 00:25:34.619
not on the same side in one way or another, right?
00:25:34.700 --> 00:25:37.000
Some of these were causal, some were not. But
00:25:37.000 --> 00:25:40.079
in principle, our bilateral experience with Russia
00:25:40.079 --> 00:25:42.960
is very different from that of other countries.
00:25:43.140 --> 00:25:45.460
That's the historical background. Then there's
00:25:45.460 --> 00:25:48.000
all the cultural stuff. you know, the linguistic
00:25:48.000 --> 00:25:50.740
and religious business. But there's also the
00:25:50.740 --> 00:25:54.039
fact that on the issue that is, in a way, neuralgic
00:25:54.039 --> 00:25:57.279
for everyone who's involved in public life and
00:25:57.279 --> 00:26:00.680
for the citizenry of the vast majority of the
00:26:00.680 --> 00:26:04.779
citizens of Serbia, this is the question of recognizing
00:26:04.779 --> 00:26:07.579
or not Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence.
00:26:08.279 --> 00:26:12.940
The Russians are one of Serbia's strongest. and
00:26:12.940 --> 00:26:15.119
most principled allies on this question. That's
00:26:15.119 --> 00:26:17.599
fundamentally important in the context of the
00:26:17.599 --> 00:26:21.460
Security Council, which is the only way that,
00:26:21.480 --> 00:26:24.680
which is the body that approves new UN member
00:26:24.680 --> 00:26:27.180
states and all the rest of it. There's been continuity.
00:26:27.259 --> 00:26:30.079
When I had something to do with Serbian foreign
00:26:30.079 --> 00:26:33.119
policy, we did what we needed to do in order
00:26:33.119 --> 00:26:35.660
to ensure that the Russians supported us on this.
00:26:36.339 --> 00:26:39.910
The Vucic regime made... certainly more concessions
00:26:39.910 --> 00:26:42.910
than we did, but to maintain that Russian strategic
00:26:42.910 --> 00:26:45.089
posture, which became more complicated to do
00:26:45.089 --> 00:26:47.950
after Ukraine, obviously, because the Russians,
00:26:48.130 --> 00:26:51.509
even in Georgia, right after Kosovo, that this
00:26:51.509 --> 00:26:54.109
question of territorial integrity of UN member
00:26:54.109 --> 00:26:56.849
states became relativized, first with Kosovo
00:26:56.849 --> 00:26:59.910
and then Georgia and Ukraine and so on. It's
00:26:59.910 --> 00:27:01.690
one of these very strange ironies, you know,
00:27:01.730 --> 00:27:04.049
that the only permanent member of the United
00:27:04.049 --> 00:27:07.539
Nations Security Council that recognized recognizes
00:27:07.539 --> 00:27:10.359
the territorial integrity of all UN member states
00:27:10.359 --> 00:27:12.920
is China, right? That's just a fact, right? It's
00:27:12.920 --> 00:27:14.799
not the United States. It's not the United Kingdom,
00:27:14.920 --> 00:27:18.400
France, Russia. You know, this is a complex issue.
00:27:19.059 --> 00:27:20.980
There's an energy component. There are all sorts
00:27:20.980 --> 00:27:23.799
of other things. But again, I think it would
00:27:23.799 --> 00:27:27.619
be nobody serious would ever be willing to say,
00:27:27.720 --> 00:27:30.960
much less take seriously even a provocation that
00:27:30.960 --> 00:27:32.660
would suggest that the new Serbian government
00:27:32.660 --> 00:27:35.279
is going to be... You know, pro -Russia. Right,
00:27:35.619 --> 00:27:38.660
right, right. Sure, sure, sure. Well, maybe one
00:27:38.660 --> 00:27:43.059
minute here as we're kind of winding down on
00:27:43.059 --> 00:27:49.140
how Serbia might fit into the U .S.-China competition.
00:27:49.319 --> 00:27:54.119
Is there anything sort of new or different? Or
00:27:54.119 --> 00:27:57.299
would you expect kind of much as in the case
00:27:57.299 --> 00:28:00.960
of Russia, which you just described in some detail?
00:28:01.559 --> 00:28:06.759
kind of Serbian interests are constant and the
00:28:06.759 --> 00:28:10.099
basic direction in both cases would remain the
00:28:10.099 --> 00:28:12.960
same. Yeah, look, one of the objectively good
00:28:12.960 --> 00:28:15.160
things that the Vucic regime did was that it
00:28:15.160 --> 00:28:18.240
found a way to arrange, to make an arrangement
00:28:18.240 --> 00:28:20.599
with the United States that is called a strategic
00:28:20.599 --> 00:28:23.759
dialogue, right? The first session of this, Serbia's
00:28:23.759 --> 00:28:26.680
outgoing foreign minister and Secretary Rubio
00:28:26.680 --> 00:28:29.500
held the first round of this dialogue in July
00:28:29.500 --> 00:28:32.680
of this year. The emphasis was on practical cooperation,
00:28:33.180 --> 00:28:35.880
telecoms, energy, transport, infrastructure,
00:28:36.440 --> 00:28:41.900
AI, advanced tech, you know, investment, LNG,
00:28:42.079 --> 00:28:45.099
deeper defense cooperation, that kind of stuff.
00:28:45.339 --> 00:28:47.880
Practical cooperation, pragmatic cooperation.
00:28:48.359 --> 00:28:51.960
Evan Feigenbaum of Carnegie has this wonderful
00:28:51.960 --> 00:28:55.019
formulation, strategic transactionalism. You
00:28:55.019 --> 00:28:57.059
know, I think the Trump guys understand that.
00:28:57.180 --> 00:29:00.750
I think that... deepening a bilateral relationship
00:29:00.750 --> 00:29:03.809
on the basis of that kind of thinking is mutually
00:29:03.809 --> 00:29:06.589
beneficial i expect that that is going to be
00:29:06.589 --> 00:29:09.529
one of the main thrusts of the bilateral relationship
00:29:09.529 --> 00:29:13.140
moving forward terrific Well, Damian, thank you
00:29:13.140 --> 00:29:16.519
so much for taking the time to talk to me here
00:29:16.519 --> 00:29:21.299
today and to set out for our three questions,
00:29:21.380 --> 00:29:25.019
listeners, your perspective on the election in
00:29:25.019 --> 00:29:28.160
Serbia and the aftermath of that. I think a lot
00:29:28.160 --> 00:29:31.539
for everyone to think about. And again, this
00:29:31.539 --> 00:29:34.059
is Paul Saunders with the Center for the National
00:29:34.059 --> 00:29:38.529
Interest. joined by Damian Kurnovich -Miskovich,
00:29:38.609 --> 00:29:43.809
a professor of practice at ADA University in
00:29:43.809 --> 00:29:47.130
Baku, Azerbaijan. Thank you, Damian. Thank you
00:29:47.130 --> 00:29:51.109
very much, Paul. Happy to have done this. Thank
00:29:51.109 --> 00:29:51.269
you.