رونوشت 🔗
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Regulation after regulation.
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There are pagated regulations that need to be changed.
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One hundred and eighty five thousand pages.
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Our public accountability and transparency.
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There will be no public supports. It's really the best
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we can do. There's a regulation that doesn't make any sense.
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Why do you keep you.
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Know who wrote the regulatory laws you must comply with.
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Welcome to the Regulatory Transparency Project's fourth Branch podcast series.
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All expressions of opinion are those of the speaker.
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Good morning, everyone, and welcome to today's Regulatory Transparency Project
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webinar titled Weigh Regulations the Metrics of White House Review.
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We're so glad that you're able to join us today.
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My name is Libby Dickinson, and I'm the assistant director
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with the Federal Society's Regulatory Transparency Project. As a reminder,
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all opinions expressed are those of the speaker. Federal in Society.
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Our moderator today is the Honorable Paul Ray, who serves
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as the acting director of the B. Kenneth Simon Center
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for American Studies at the Hair Foundation. You can find
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out more about today's moderator and panelists at fedsok dot org,
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that ISSOK dot org. With that, I'll hand things off
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to you, Paul to getting started.
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All right, great well, thanks Lebby, Thank you all for
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joining us. We have a very exciting panel today. Joining
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us are two incredibly distinguished panelists who I want to
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introduce right away. First is Don Kinkel, who is the
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Andrew Dickson White Professor of Economics in the Brooks School
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of Public Policy at Cornell. His research and teaching interests
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are in health economics and benefit cost analysis. In fact,
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he's a former president of Society for Benefit Cost Analysis.
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From twenty eighteen through twenty twenty, he served as a
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Senior economist and then Chief Economist on the Council of
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Economic Advisors. We also are very privileged to have with
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us Susan Dudley, the OIRA administrator the George W. Bush Administration,
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the founder of the GW Regulatory Study Center, and a
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public policy professor at GW. Also is a past president
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of a Society of Benefit Cost Analysis. So Don and
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Susan are two of the leading authorities in the nation
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on benefit cost analysis, and they're here to talk about
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tremendously important changes to benefit cost analysis and how they
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impact lawyers and litigation. So, first of all a few
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remarks just to situate ourselves. Obviously, Trump, the new Trump administration,
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has made regulatory reform one of its key policy issues.
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That's been visible, probably most of all in doja's actions,
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which have received kind of outsized attention in the last
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In the last few days, Trump has also reissued many,
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I believe, all of his previous executive orders on regulatory reform,
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and indeed has doubled down on some of them, including
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changing the former two for one order to a ten
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for one order, that is to say, requiring the recision
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of ten regulations for every new regulation issue. Now, all
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those developments have been have grabbed headlines less important or well,
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less newsworthy, But equally as important is a reform of
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O ANDB Circular A four. Now sometimes people say that
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Elira is the most important office you've never heard of. Well,
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O ANDB Circular A four is the most important OMB
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circular you've never heard of. It's the circular that governs
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agency benefit cost analysis, and of course, agency benefit cost
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analysis is often the decisive factor in agency rulemaking. In
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November of twenty twenty three, O ANDB issued revised guidelines
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in Circular A four for regulatory impact analysis, and in
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February twenty twenty five, Trump directed OMB to revoke the
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twenty twenty three changes. So the panel here is going
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to talk about about the twenty twenty three changes, about
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the import of the recision of those changes, and the
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impact of all those things for
Load full transcript
lawyers. But first of all,
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let me let me ask us a question out to
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both panelists, why is benefit costs relevant for lawyers? And
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I say that presuming that we have an audience of
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mostly lawyers on this on some webinar.
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Thanks Paul and thanks Libya in the Federalist Society for
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hosting this. So, benefit cost analysis has had a key
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role in regulatory decisions for decades. And when you think
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about it, what's the alternative to basing your regulations on
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understanding of the likely impacts? Is it, you know, intuition?
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Is it who whatever interest group has has the most power.
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So presidents since Carter have required agencies to look at
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the costs as well as the benefits of their regular
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relations before issuing them. So it's an important component of
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regulatory impact analysis that we're going to talk more about,
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I think today, and the principles for doing it. For
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the requirements for agencies to do it is in President
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Clinton's Executive Order twelve eight sixty six, So that has
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lasted since nineteen ninety three. Successive president has continued to
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rely on that, and that requirement is to ensure the
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benefits of your regulation justify the costs. Now, a few
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statutes require them, you know, many don't.
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But even if.
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It's not explicit in a statute that agencies should base
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their decision on looking at costs and benefits, courts are
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increasingly expecting them to do that. So, probably most significantly
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was Michigan VPA, where the Supreme Court looked at language
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that said set regulations that are appropriate and necessary to
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protect public health and the environment, and they said that
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you can't decide an action is appropriate and necessary unless
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you look at the cost relative to the benefits, So
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that weighing of costs and benefits is important. In fact,
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cass Sunstein has written about the cost benefit state that
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we are now in a state where courts and agencies
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and even Congress is expecting it. Now, as we'll talk
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about some or many of Trump's actions are norm defying
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and disrupting. But with respect to the requirement that agencies
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conduct regulatory impact analysis and the role for benefit cost analysis.
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He has retained long standing practices.
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Yeah, I already like Susan's first comment that if not
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benefit cost analysis, how do you make decisions? I mean,
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whenever I get into these conversations, that's you flip a coint.
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I'm not really sure what the alternative suggestion is. But
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you know, benefit cost analysis is a tool that developed
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by economists and legal freshmen as well. You know, from
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the economic perspective. It's a tool to evaluate whether regulations
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fix market failures and improve economic efficiency. And what's really
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nice there is that it's a it you know, it
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looks at both the costs, because sometimes fixing a market
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failure can be very costly, and you have to balance
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that with the benefits of fixing the market failure, and
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you also have to think about all the possible unintended consequences.
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And benefit cost analysis provides this really nice systematic way
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to you know, put all those impacts together in to
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a framework to say, well, are the benefits greater than
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the cost? Is this an improvement in economic efficiency? And
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I think we'll be kind of coming back to that
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over and over, But I mean the broader context of
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exactly how they plays out in different you know, with
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the executive orders and through Ohira and everything. I think
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Susan is already spoken well too, so I'll stop.
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Well, thank you both. That's that's very helpful. One question
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I have for you following up on that is one
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lesser discussed part of the ten for one executive order
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is a regulatory budgeting provision. This carries forward a provision
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from the twenty seventeen two for one order. So what
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role of any this benefit cost analysis play in the
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regulatory budgeting world?
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Right? I mean, yeah, it's the executive orders became known
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but is known as the ten for one rule, just
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like in the first Trump administration was the two for
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one rule, and you said double down. I guess that's
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put tupling down, actually, isn't it. But the look counting
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up the number of new of old rigs that have
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to be deregulated for every new one. That's one way
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to think about these rules. But you know, the regulatory
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budget is really I think that the heart of that rule,
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and that says that any has some kind of a
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regular rule requirement on what total costs of all new
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regulations and deregulations on net that creates the economy. And
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in the first Trump administration, the first year was it
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should have no net cost, zero net cost. In the
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new rule, the ten for one rule actually said it
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should be significantly less than zero, so net cost savings.
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And so that certainly shows you, well, you know, obviously
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part of the cost benefit analysis is there, you're looking
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at the regulatory cost. But what is also really key
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is that again both the first and now the second
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Trump administrations, the guidance documents very clearly require that this
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is conducted together with the benefit cost analysis of every
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regulation and every deregulation. And so it doesn't supplant, it
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doesn't remove those requirements. It just adds to those requirements.
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And now this gets you you have to get your
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head around it for a second. Now, how do you
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do a benefit cost analysis of a deregulation. Well, the
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benefits are the cost savings, the regulatory cost removed because
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you've taken away this regulation. That's the benefit side. And
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now the cost side of deregulation is that we're giving
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up the benefits that the regulation used to create. So
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presumably even if it's a regulation or a deregulation that
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passes the benefit cost
test, there's still typically opportunity cost
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of hey, we're giving up some public good that was
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created by this regulation, but it wasn't. It didn't justify
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the cost of that regulation. So it's kind of the
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flip side of say a regulation doesn't pass the benefit
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cost analysis, a deregulation does cost pass the cost benefit
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and benefit cost analysis. Now, at the same time, you
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can't just sort of put negative signs and flip everything over.
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The agencies have to conduct new analyzes to see, you know,
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given the currents status of the world, given new data,
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new evidence, does it look like this regulation or this deregulation,
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are the cost savings actually greater than the benefits? So
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that that's how they're layered on top and you know
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that this is one of ways where I guess, especially
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in the first Trump administration, that this I don't know
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if it was exactly an ever quite you know, norm busting,
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I mean actually ever since the Carter administration, the car
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Administration's Council of Economic Advisors started a conversation about regulatory budgeting,
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and it's been used in a lot of other countries.
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Canada and the Netherlands, Denmark and Norway and so in
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the UK as well. What it's been tricky, I think
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is sometimes it's the totality of regulatory costs. It is
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so large that the idea of saying, okay, here's a
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regulatory budget, here's totally how much cost the regulations can
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impose on the economy. That measurement problem has shifted their
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attention to what referred to as an incremental budget regulatory budget,
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and that is, Okay, we're not quite sure how much
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cost are out there, frankly, but we can say something
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about the new cost being created by new budget, by
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new regulations, and the cost savings created by old by
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deregulating old regulations. And so that's that's how this regulatory
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budgeting is working. As an incremental budget, that yeah, renal
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regulatory budget, and you know there's some tension. I mean,
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I can certainly imagine that with benefit cost analysis, I
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mean they're the directive to find regulations to cut and
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to save. I mean that could be implemented by path
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by deregulating taking away really good regulations, but and by
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growing good I mean regulations that have benefits greater than costs.
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But when you combine it with the running the benefit
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cost analysis of the deregulation as well. Uh, that should
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keep that from happening. And it also addresses this concept
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which this problem that a lot of people have noticed
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that you know, they of cumulative regulatory burden, which again
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that dates back to the President Clinton's executive order as well,
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that you know, agencies should be considering about the fact
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that they're laying layering but regulation over regulation, but a
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lot of times one at a time, benefit cost analysis
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of one regulation doesn't really capture that. So that's a
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that plus also a retrospective review. It really forces the
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agencies that now doge to look at the body of
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regulations and try to figure out, you know, which ones
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might be a good target to deregulation and generate cost savings.
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Yeah, excuse going if I just jump in and add something. Yeah,
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because I think that's all right. In an ideal world
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where we had perfect information about consequences of our government
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actions and perfect incentives to maximize public welfare, benefit cost
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analysis on its own might be sufficient, and a regulatory
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budget might seem unnecessary and wrong. But neither of those
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are two. We don't have perfect information and the incentives
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aren't necessarily always in the public interest. So you know,
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agencies incentives maybe you know, they tend to have tunnel
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vision and focus on their particular issue and therefore think
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that the benefits are much bigger and discount the costs.
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So I think it does address that.
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And as Don said, if and this isn't an
ideal world,
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it would provide an incentive to actually look at the
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regulations that are in effect and determine whether they're act
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achieving the benefits that we predicted. We tend not to
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do that. We tend always just to predict new benefits
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and then move on to the next regulation. So, just
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to supplement what John said about that a regulatory budget
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isn't necessarily anathma to the requirement for benefit costs analysis.
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I'm also point the regulatory budget doesn't have to be
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less than zero. And as a matter of fact, the
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Executive Order says that in future fiscal years. When I
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said it was significantly less than zero, you know, cost reduction,
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that was for fiscal year twenty twenty five. The Executive
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Order specifically says in future fiscal years, OMB will tell
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agencies what their target is, and that target could say
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positive regulatory costs are warranted given what's on your regulatory agenda.
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And to Membory serves, in the first From administration, there
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were in fact agencies that in given years had positive
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regulatory budgets. By the way, I should apologize, I'm gonna
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be sneezing a bit here. Uh for those of us
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with allergies, we can we can verify T. S Eliott's
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line that April is the coolest month. So thank you
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all for for bearing with me.
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I think Paul you introduced us, but we should clarify
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that you were a wire administrator during the first Trump administration.
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So yes, that's that's true.
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That regulatory budget two, Yes.
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That's that's right. So uh yeah, So that's all extremely helpful.
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Now let's talk a bit about Circular A four, which
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is which is the heart of of of the debate
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that we're here to talk about. So what is Circular
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A for and and what's his provedance? Susan, you're pretty
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well set up to talk about that.
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Yeah.
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I liked your your opening comment about it being perhaps
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one of the most important circulars that that you haven't
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heard of. I think more people may be a part
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of it.
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Now.
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So it was first issued in two thousand and three
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in the George W. Bush administration, but that circular was
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built on guidance that had been from the Reagan and
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then Bush and Clinton administration, So each of those administrations
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incrementally built built on the earlier administration's guidance. What made
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it a circular is it went through notice and comment
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and peer review, so that was a part of it.
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So the focus of the previous guidance and the circular
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was on net social benefits, that economic efficiency lens that
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Don talked about just now. So why it's topical right
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now is that in twenty twenty three, the Biden administration
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revised it, also going through notice and comment and with
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the goal to They talked about it being a modernization,
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that the circular is twenty years all that needed modernizing,
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and some of the changes I think were worthwhile and appropriate,
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but it also in other places their concerns were raised.
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I'll use the passive voice because it was a dramatic
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shift from that economic efficiency lens and the traditional goal
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of benefit cost analysis to provide a transparent accounting of
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what we know about the consequences of regulation, the benefits,
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the costs, the intended the unintended, and then allow policy
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makers they don't need to make their decision based on
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the option that looks like it has the net benefits.
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There may be other factors, but that that's what the
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RIA should should provide them. So Ohira received a lot
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of comments and including a letter from all the former
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presidents of the Society for Benefit Cost Analysis, of which
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Don and I I are in that club, and we
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raise concerns about that. You know, we made that point
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that some of these are worthwhile, but there are other
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00:19:16.200
changes that that really do move regulatory analysis and benefit
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cost analysis away from its traditional purpose.
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Yeah, I'll check that. I also mentioned, just as someone
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who's taught benefit cost analysis for many, many years, I
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really loved the old the two thousand and three Circulary
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fourth I was a great document. The textbook I was using.
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I actually used an option of actually having that sort
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of included in the textbook as an appendix, and I
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would constantly refer to the students saying, so, you know,
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here's how the textbook is saying, and basically the exact
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same thing is being said in Circulary for and then
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again this twenty twenty three revision did a lot of
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good things. I mean, you know, the idea of modernizing
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makes sense, and I think also to some extent, I
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know a lot of people from the agencies in Ohira
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worked on it. It helped, you know, just sort of
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incorporate some things they realize would be useful guidance just
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from two more decades of experience doing benefit costs analysis
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of regulations. But the shift really was quite fundamental of
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this idea that the economists had a very big question,
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I think, you know, does it economic efficiency? Does a
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regulation improve economic efficiency? And in that it's very specific
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that you know, we're using very very precise definition of
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what we mean by economic efficiency, and it boil was
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down too well. Virtually every real, real world regulation is
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going to have winners and losers, and the question comes
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down to, you know, can the winners at least potentially
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could the winners compensate the losers so everybody'd be better off?
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And that's the same thing as saying are the benefits
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greater than the cost? And that's the question about economic
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efficiency that traditional standard benefit cost analysis addresses. But notice
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that it doesn't say anything about who wins, who wins,
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and who loses in that, and that's always been noted
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as a limitation of benefit costs analysis, and you know,
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the seminal works in the academic works say, yeah, we
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don't think that's an unimportant question. In fact, we think
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sometimes it might be the most important question. It's just
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not a question that economists have expertise in terms of
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the value judgment is how do you make that trade offs?
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You know, how do you decide when this is important
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enough to go past the uh the economic have an
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an economically inefficient policy that is still worthwhile because it
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achieves these other objectives like improving the distribution of income
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or addressing racial justice social justice issues. And the twenty
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twenty three revisions took a very specific approach to answering
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that question, which is again actually very old, and benefit
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cost analysis recent research, and it really moves from this
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narrow question of economic efficiency to this much broader question
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of social welfare. Will this change improve social welfare? And
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in particular by making things more equitable? And to judge that,
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they introduced the idea of distributional weights. Weiting a benefit
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or cost based on the income level of the person
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getting the benefit or receiving the cost. And they have
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a very precise formula for it. They have a very
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precise parameter value to plug into that formula, and what
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it results in is weights that would say that like
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a dollar to someone in the lowest income quintile is
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worth like forty times more than the dollar to somebody
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in the top income quintile, and that could therefore justify
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a regulation that totally fails economic efficiency. In fact, you
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could have like ninety five percent loss of economic efficiency
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in the sense of you know, imposing cost on the
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rich and giving them to the point giving benefits to
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the core. But this weighted benefit cost analysis would conclude
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this such a regulation does improve social welfare, and you
know,
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there's there's return to the sort of the the I
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guess humility of economists hopefully we have is that we
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can judge the regula the benefits that whether the benefits
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of the costs in general outweigh whether the benefits out
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weigh the costs or vice versa. But making the value
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judgment there and it's also I think, by the way,
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sort of very non transparently putting a value judgment in
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a formula of being used by analysts that the agencies
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is not the best way to make that decision, and
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so it's better to if you know, we think we
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can the economists now and saying we think that we
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can provide, you know, evidence on the efficiency of a
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regulation and then let democratically accountable decision makers weigh these
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other factors with this, and so our regulars, we hope,
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we know, provide useful information, but we don't make the decision.
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Reject on that point, I think that one thing economists
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can do is maybe look at the benefits and costs
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by different groups. So you can definitely provide decision makers
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information because you certainly wouldn't want to pursue a regulation that,
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even if it had huge net benefits, that benefited the
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wealthiest individuals and harm the lowest income individuals. But that
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actually often does happen.
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Regret.
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You know, regulations can be quite regressive. So that kind
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of information is really valuable and economists can do that.
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But as you say, it's the embedding of those values
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in what should be a transparent analysis is what the
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problem is.
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Yeah. Absolutely, I think if the revisions in twenty twenty three,
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I think they did circularly four, I think they did
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do a good job of emphasizing the economists can do that,
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the agency should be talking about the distribution of benefits
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and costs much more than they do. They just stopped there.
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I would have been all on board, but when the
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next step is when they lost me.
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Yeah.
400
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So one point that both of you have made, I
401
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think it's a really important one, is that benefit costs
402
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analysis was never meant to be a kind of a
403
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kind of policy algorithm where you put in the right
404
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numbers and out pops of policy and you just you know,
405
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you you the agency just sort of follow the guidance
406
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of the algorithm and making policy. Rather, it was meant
407
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to be a tool that that equips policymakers to make
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sound political judgments. That's what I hear both of you saying. So,
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you know, some sometimes there's a there's a uh, there's
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this criticism benefit cost analysis that it's that it's a
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kind of uh it's a it's it results from a
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kind of uh default, from from policymakers to to to
413
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bureaucratic decision makers employing employing some sort of algorithm. But
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I what I hear you both saying is that just
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to the contrary, benefit cost analysis is what allows policy
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makers to make informed decisions that effectuate their their policy goals.
417
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Is that Is that a fair way to put it?
418
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Absolutely, I'm kind of smiling. My own history of teaching,
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I think the first couple of times, when I was
420
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a very young assistant professor, I more or less told
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students it was an algorithm, and experience, both with teaching
422
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and with thinking more harder about it made me realize that, Yeah,
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benefit cost analysis can't be an algorithm that you just
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plug into a computer, but it informs helps helps decision
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makers make more informed decisions.
426
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Yes.
427
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Sally Katson, who was a WIRED administrator in the Clinton
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administration and the lead author of the executive order that
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still guys today, she often says it's informative, but not
430
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just positive.
431
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Right, And that was certainly my experience as well. Yeah.
432
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So we've talked about a couple of similar moments in
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the history of Circular A four almost two thousand and three,
434
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almost twenty twenty three, but another, surely February of twenty
435
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twenty five, when the President directed OMB to revoke the
436
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twenty twenty three amendments and go back to the two
437
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thousand and three amendments, a version rather now there's been
438
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a criticism of of that directive that it basically that
439
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it pre judges what the standards should be for for
440
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benefit cost analysis, when in fact, the statute under which
441
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Circular A Floor operates, that's the Regulatory Right to Know Act,
442
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requires requires peer review for those standards, and there's peer
443
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review in two thousand and three, there's peer review in
444
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the twenty twenty three. Well, I guess I forgive it
445
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was late twenty twenty two or early twenty twenty three,
446
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but peer view that resulted in the in the in
447
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the in the issuance of a November twenty twenty three amendments.
448
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But there's but there's not been peer review of the
449
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of the recision going back to the two thousand and
450
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three versions. So I came to hear your thoughts and
451
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whether peer review was statutorially required toyeer back to the
452
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two thousand and three and then it's whether, regardless of
453
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what the required by statue, whether it would have been
454
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a good idea to seek peer review.
455
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So we're not lawyers, Paul, so we may come back
456
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and ask you that say, what do you think about
457
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that same question? But I'll give you my non lawyer
458
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answer and that is that the peer review.
459
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Really didn't support some of these key changes.
460
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So for example, that waiting the peer review did not
461
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support that, it did not support a very low discount rate,
462
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which maybe don can talk more about if people are interested.
463
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So there were several aspects of it. Some of the
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ones that I think this is the former presidents of
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the Society for ben but Cost Analysis, several of whom
466
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were peer reviewers, by the way, raised in our letter
467
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and in their comments. So the Trump administration asked me,
468
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which they did not. I think they could have, and
469
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maybe they still could say, we actually looked at all
470
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the comments you received and the peer review feedback that
471
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you got, and we think that supports the two thousand
472
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and three version more than it supports the twenty twenty
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three version. So I think that would not require a
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new notice and comment period and a new peer review,
475
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because I think the existing one really does support the
476
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old version more than it does the new version.
477
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Yeah, I don't think I have to have much to
478
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add to that. I mean, I would. I agree that
479
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it was quite disappointing to see the final version of
480
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the twenty twenty three revisions, and though as I sort
481
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of read all the peer review comments and as well
482
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as the public comments like I submitted, I realized that
483
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I was not in the minority that a lot of
484
00:31:00.519 --> 00:31:05.119
people experts more expert than I am, can agreed with
485
00:31:05.599 --> 00:31:07.519
a lot. We agreed on a lot of points, and
486
00:31:07.519 --> 00:31:10.519
a lot of those points disagreed with the final version
487
00:31:10.599 --> 00:31:15.599
of the twenty twenty three circulary for the distributional weights
488
00:31:15.640 --> 00:31:21.680
was one of choosing a single relatively low discount rate
489
00:31:22.240 --> 00:31:24.440
was another one where you know, that could have a
490
00:31:24.519 --> 00:31:32.359
huge impact the issue about whether benefits should be counted
491
00:31:32.359 --> 00:31:38.480
globally versus just domestic benefits. The guidance there, I think
492
00:31:38.640 --> 00:31:40.880
was again, you know, sort of treating that as a
493
00:31:40.880 --> 00:31:43.559
more cut and dried issue than it should be given.
494
00:31:44.079 --> 00:31:47.160
You know, sometimes the statutes are pretty clear that US
495
00:31:47.279 --> 00:31:51.160
laws are designed to improve the welfare of US citizens
496
00:31:51.240 --> 00:31:55.599
or US residents, usually not just citizens. But and yet
497
00:31:55.680 --> 00:31:58.720
that doesn't really follow through some of the A four guidance.
498
00:31:58.759 --> 00:32:01.039
And so those two things alone, by the way, the
499
00:32:01.079 --> 00:32:07.400
discount rate and the global versus domestic that those basically
500
00:32:07.519 --> 00:32:13.920
drove the difference between the Obama and early years
Biden
501
00:32:13.960 --> 00:32:16.720
administration's estimate of the social cost of carbon, which is
502
00:32:16.759 --> 00:32:20.200
like forty dollars a ton, and then in the first
503
00:32:20.200 --> 00:32:25.759
Trump administration when they recalculated it using the guidance consistent
504
00:32:25.839 --> 00:32:28.319
with the two thousand and three clear A four which
505
00:32:28.400 --> 00:32:33.599
was in place at the time, the social cost of
506
00:32:33.599 --> 00:32:36.839
carbon drops to seven dollars a time. So it's you know,
507
00:32:37.319 --> 00:32:41.359
these sort of art might seem like arcane. Differences can
508
00:32:41.480 --> 00:32:44.359
lead to very big differences in a key estimate like
509
00:32:44.359 --> 00:32:46.640
the social cost of carbon or right social cost of
510
00:32:46.640 --> 00:32:50.720
greenhouse gases, because those drive so many environmental and energy policies.
511
00:32:52.079 --> 00:32:58.519
And yet in that circular Afour revision, they didn't fully
512
00:32:58.759 --> 00:33:03.240
really incorporate a lot of for key comments made by
513
00:33:04.119 --> 00:33:06.119
lots of the peer reviewers.
514
00:33:07.240 --> 00:33:09.799
Yeah, and I'll just to be Devil's advocates, because we
515
00:33:09.839 --> 00:33:12.640
don't have anyone anyone on this call who is a
516
00:33:12.680 --> 00:33:15.440
strong supporter of the revisions. As I say, I think
517
00:33:15.480 --> 00:33:17.680
both on and I and a lot of people did
518
00:33:17.839 --> 00:33:21.720
like some of those revisions, but it's a few very
519
00:33:21.759 --> 00:33:25.039
important key things that we raise concerns about. So I
520
00:33:25.039 --> 00:33:27.599
think the supporters would say, yes, they did listen to
521
00:33:27.640 --> 00:33:30.319
peer review, and they did pay attention, and they did
522
00:33:30.400 --> 00:33:35.160
make changes. If people are interested in diving into that more.
523
00:33:35.480 --> 00:33:38.119
You can obviously look at the peer reviewers comments, there's
524
00:33:38.119 --> 00:33:42.319
a packet of those, but of one of the peer
525
00:33:42.359 --> 00:33:45.119
reviewers and also a former president of the Society for
526
00:33:45.160 --> 00:33:48.720
Benefit Cost Analysis and editor of the Journal for Benefit
527
00:33:48.759 --> 00:33:52.279
Cost Analysis, he did a comparison. He looked at all
528
00:33:52.319 --> 00:33:57.079
the peer reviewers' comments, quoted from them and compared that
529
00:33:57.160 --> 00:34:00.759
to the final and the title of his paper is
530
00:34:01.519 --> 00:34:05.079
consensus ignored. So he certainly found that they did not.
531
00:34:05.920 --> 00:34:10.039
And that's available as a working paper on Society for
532
00:34:10.079 --> 00:34:12.800
Benefit Cost Analysis website and we'll be published soon in
533
00:34:12.840 --> 00:34:13.320
the journal.
534
00:34:14.559 --> 00:34:18.400
Well that's that's there. Almost really helpful. Thank you both.
535
00:34:19.039 --> 00:34:22.760
Don Actually, my next question was going to be, uh,
536
00:34:23.039 --> 00:34:26.639
could you could you give some illustrations of the kinds
537
00:34:26.679 --> 00:34:31.719
of regulatory policies that are of the way the difference
538
00:34:31.719 --> 00:34:36.039
between the two and three twenty three versions might might
539
00:34:36.079 --> 00:34:38.239
shape the discussion of different different policies. But I think
540
00:34:38.239 --> 00:34:41.480
you're your point about the social culture carbon is right
541
00:34:41.480 --> 00:34:45.159
on point there. So you know, I'm not a panelist,
542
00:34:45.239 --> 00:34:49.280
I'm really the moderator, but that I will say, and
543
00:34:49.280 --> 00:34:51.400
I you know, I think that the provision of the
544
00:34:51.400 --> 00:34:55.760
regulatory right to no acts that's in question here is
545
00:34:56.400 --> 00:34:59.119
It's quite short, as I'll read it to you. The
546
00:34:59.119 --> 00:35:01.440
Director of the Office of Management and Budget shall provide
547
00:35:01.559 --> 00:35:05.000
for independent and external peer review of the guidelines and
548
00:35:05.119 --> 00:35:09.239
each accounting statement and associated report under this section, and
549
00:35:09.280 --> 00:35:12.719
then some other language it's not relevant here. So the
550
00:35:12.800 --> 00:35:15.280
requirement and the Regulatory Right to Know Act is to
551
00:35:15.320 --> 00:35:20.320
provide for independent and external peer review of the guidelines. Now,
552
00:35:21.639 --> 00:35:24.679
to my mind, that leaves open quite a bit of
553
00:35:24.719 --> 00:35:29.239
discretion on the part of the ob directors as to
554
00:35:29.360 --> 00:35:34.320
how to provide for such review. And one way I
555
00:35:34.360 --> 00:35:38.599
would think of doing so it would be to as
556
00:35:38.719 --> 00:35:43.440
as Susan suggested, to look at the comments that were offered,
557
00:35:43.679 --> 00:35:48.000
you know, just just a couple of years ago on
558
00:35:49.679 --> 00:35:51.679
the two thousand and three version and the proposed changes
559
00:35:51.719 --> 00:35:56.639
to it. I would think that those comments would would be,
560
00:35:56.920 --> 00:36:02.280
you know fully as informative of of the recent decision
561
00:36:02.480 --> 00:36:05.960
to go back to the version, as they as they
562
00:36:05.960 --> 00:36:08.760
would have of the decision to go forward with the
563
00:36:08.800 --> 00:36:12.519
twenty twenty three versions. So I'm inclined to think that
564
00:36:12.920 --> 00:36:16.199
that satisfied satisfies the regulatory Right to no requirement. But again,
565
00:36:16.280 --> 00:36:17.800
I'm not a I'm not a panelist here.
566
00:36:18.480 --> 00:36:22.480
So Trump administration need to say they did that, so
567
00:36:23.920 --> 00:36:26.679
the Director of OE would be simply revoked the circular
568
00:36:28.079 --> 00:36:31.559
pursuant to presidential memo or
or executive order.
569
00:36:33.000 --> 00:36:37.039
Yes, that's that's right. So the administration did not expressly
570
00:36:37.079 --> 00:36:41.000
state that that's right. I think that's where it's worthwhile
571
00:36:41.079 --> 00:36:47.639
stating that. So, I guess I want to open it
572
00:36:47.760 --> 00:36:50.519
up for either don or Susan to offer any last
573
00:36:51.639 --> 00:36:53.800
any last thoughts here before turning to the audience for
574
00:36:53.840 --> 00:36:55.639
a questions that we have a number of questions already
575
00:36:55.760 --> 00:36:56.480
already lined up.
576
00:36:58.039 --> 00:36:59.119
Yeah, let's go to the question.
577
00:36:59.719 --> 00:37:03.280
Yeah, all right, right, let's time to do here. All right,
578
00:37:03.400 --> 00:37:12.840
So from Rick Belzer, we have the main alternative to
579
00:37:12.880 --> 00:37:17.320
benefit cost analysis is benefit cost analysis run by special interests,
580
00:37:18.760 --> 00:37:20.679
and he says that that's what the twenty twenty three
581
00:37:21.119 --> 00:37:26.800
revision legitimized. The question remains, will Ohira staff be empowered
582
00:37:26.880 --> 00:37:30.119
to enforce the two thousand and three edition of Circular
583
00:37:30.159 --> 00:37:34.239
A four. So it's a it's a question about the
584
00:37:34.360 --> 00:37:39.440
practical realities of a liar review in the second trend administration.
585
00:37:39.880 --> 00:37:44.280
But so let's begin to answer that question by talking
586
00:37:44.320 --> 00:37:48.800
about what Ohira's role implementing circularly for traditionally has been
587
00:37:50.760 --> 00:37:53.480
so Susan, you're the natural that for that question.
588
00:37:53.880 --> 00:37:55.800
Either I am or you are, you can sell them.
589
00:37:56.079 --> 00:37:56.960
I'm also happy to do that.
590
00:37:57.119 --> 00:38:01.320
Yeah, you know, worked with a similar with deregulatory order
591
00:38:01.400 --> 00:38:02.199
and initiatives.
592
00:38:04.119 --> 00:38:04.320
Yeah.
593
00:38:04.440 --> 00:38:07.719
Why are wear several hats in the review excuse me,
594
00:38:08.039 --> 00:38:12.199
in the review of regulations, both proposed and final regulations,
595
00:38:12.639 --> 00:38:16.360
and one of them is what President Obama called providing
596
00:38:16.440 --> 00:38:21.559
a dispassionate and analytical second opinion on agency actions. And
597
00:38:21.679 --> 00:38:26.159
that part really does try to hold agencies analysis supporting
598
00:38:26.199 --> 00:38:30.440
their regulations, especially their regulations that are likely to have
599
00:38:30.559 --> 00:38:33.519
impacts either benefits or costs of one hundred million or
600
00:38:33.559 --> 00:38:37.400
more in a year to the requirements of circulary for
601
00:38:37.639 --> 00:38:41.480
and the principles of that executive order. The other two
602
00:38:41.559 --> 00:38:46.519
hats are coordinating across agencies and so that also provides
603
00:38:48.199 --> 00:38:53.159
external to the issuing agency input on what the impacts
604
00:38:53.199 --> 00:38:56.039
of their regulations are and maybe whether there are better
605
00:38:56.119 --> 00:39:01.239
alternatives to achieve the goals, and then also accountability within
606
00:39:01.320 --> 00:39:05.400
the White House. So AUIRA is a staff of career professionals,
607
00:39:05.440 --> 00:39:09.119
a small staff, we might add about fifty career professionals,
608
00:39:09.639 --> 00:39:12.679
but they are part of the executive office of the
609
00:39:12.760 --> 00:39:15.840
President and so they do work closely with the policy
610
00:39:15.880 --> 00:39:19.639
officials in the White House. So it adds that presidential accountability.
611
00:39:20.239 --> 00:39:28.360
So to Rick's question, will does that presidential accountability mean?
612
00:39:29.519 --> 00:39:33.360
Can that overrule what a benefit cost analysis might say.
613
00:39:33.840 --> 00:39:36.519
Perhaps it wasn't in my experience when I was a
614
00:39:36.599 --> 00:39:39.679
WIRAY administrator at the end of the Bush administration, that
615
00:39:39.840 --> 00:39:43.199
did not happen a lot. But when it did, the
616
00:39:43.280 --> 00:39:46.960
wira's staff recognized that the president is elected and we're not,
617
00:39:47.239 --> 00:39:48.719
and so sometimes that makes sense.
618
00:39:50.440 --> 00:39:54.239
Yeah, I'll just add that, you know, olira's regulatory review
619
00:39:54.440 --> 00:39:59.599
function is purely a creature of presidential directive. AIRA itself
620
00:39:59.639 --> 00:40:03.880
exist because Congress created and statute, but it's regulatory review
621
00:40:03.920 --> 00:40:09.519
function is purely a function of executive order. And that's
622
00:40:09.559 --> 00:40:14.039
important because I don't think it's possible to conceive of
623
00:40:14.159 --> 00:40:20.000
effective regulatory review other than as a that is flowing
624
00:40:20.039 --> 00:40:22.480
from the directive of the president. At the end of
625
00:40:22.519 --> 00:40:26.039
the day, the agencies are well, they're accountable to many stakeholders,
626
00:40:26.079 --> 00:40:29.079
but at the president most of all, and appropriately in
627
00:40:29.159 --> 00:40:34.840
my judgment, and so any kind of regulatory review that
628
00:40:36.679 --> 00:40:38.599
stem from some source other than the president is just
629
00:40:38.679 --> 00:40:42.800
going to be I think, likely to generate into a
630
00:40:42.840 --> 00:40:46.719
kind of box checking exercise. Right, the agency may feel
631
00:40:46.760 --> 00:40:49.679
obligated to comply with due to statutory requirements, but it
632
00:40:49.719 --> 00:40:53.039
wouldn't actually inform agency decision making. But if it costs
633
00:40:53.039 --> 00:40:56.719
analysis is likely to inform agency decision making in practice
634
00:40:57.079 --> 00:41:01.199
only if agencies think the president and his top leadership
635
00:41:01.920 --> 00:41:05.159
think it should. Right. And so it's to my mind
636
00:41:05.320 --> 00:41:08.360
very important that OHIRA is a White House office and
637
00:41:08.480 --> 00:41:11.760
not some other some some other agency in the in
638
00:41:11.800 --> 00:41:12.559
the federal system.
639
00:41:13.159 --> 00:41:13.239
Uh.
640
00:41:13.440 --> 00:41:17.320
And and that historically it's had it's had the support
641
00:41:17.440 --> 00:41:19.960
of the president of the West wing and enforcing the
642
00:41:20.079 --> 00:41:23.159
requirements of a view of twelve AY six six with
643
00:41:23.280 --> 00:41:29.599
respective benefit cost analysis. I think Susan's right that you
644
00:41:29.639 --> 00:41:33.639
can imagine a situation in which the president's priorities are
645
00:41:35.000 --> 00:41:38.199
are so either predetermined or urgent that it doesn't leave
646
00:41:38.199 --> 00:41:43.559
any space or or benefit cost analysis. And I think
647
00:41:43.599 --> 00:41:45.599
it's I think it's too early at this point to
648
00:41:45.719 --> 00:41:47.920
know whether that's that's a situation that we're in right now.
649
00:41:48.920 --> 00:41:51.559
Yeah, And even in these cases, I think the analysis
650
00:41:52.360 --> 00:41:56.599
still is useful information to be presented, even if the
651
00:41:56.719 --> 00:41:58.360
decision is based on other grounds.
652
00:41:59.480 --> 00:42:00.079
And while.
653
00:42:02.639 --> 00:42:06.519
We're going to interject that the the fact of the
654
00:42:06.719 --> 00:42:11.199
analysis being required and that Ohira will be eventually checking
655
00:42:11.239 --> 00:42:15.719
it over, you know. And I guess also, I'd say
656
00:42:16.320 --> 00:42:19.719
maybe even more so with the incremental regulatory budget. The
657
00:42:19.800 --> 00:42:22.960
ten for one rule gives a lot of incentives to
658
00:42:23.039 --> 00:42:25.960
the agencies to, you know, try to get things right
659
00:42:26.079 --> 00:42:28.519
ahead of time. And I did. I spent one of
660
00:42:28.519 --> 00:42:32.000
my sabbaticals visiting the group that does the benefit cost
661
00:42:32.000 --> 00:42:36.400
analysis at the FDA, and the person that was running
662
00:42:36.519 --> 00:42:40.079
that group explained that a lot of the value, he
663
00:42:40.239 --> 00:42:43.960
thought in the whole requirement of benefit cost analysis was
664
00:42:44.039 --> 00:42:46.599
the fact that economists were working with the other groups
665
00:42:47.000 --> 00:42:51.039
at the FDA and developing the regulations and saying, you know,
666
00:42:51.400 --> 00:42:53.320
another group would say, what we think we need to regulate,
667
00:42:53.719 --> 00:42:56.199
you know, for this type of this address this issue,
668
00:42:56.920 --> 00:42:59.679
but they'd start working on that regulatory impact analysis and
669
00:42:59.719 --> 00:43:02.480
the better fit cost analysis with the economists, and the
670
00:43:02.480 --> 00:43:06.599
economists said, well, is that this particular feature of your
671
00:43:06.639 --> 00:43:09.960
proposed rule is in creating a lot of cost Is
672
00:43:10.039 --> 00:43:13.239
there a way to achieve that without quite so much
673
00:43:13.800 --> 00:43:17.360
and he again he really felt that the there's so
674
00:43:17.519 --> 00:43:21.239
much value of the benefit cost analysis process leading up
675
00:43:21.280 --> 00:43:24.760
to the to the the actual benefit cost analysis that
676
00:43:25.559 --> 00:43:29.360
I wouldn't uh, you know, I don't want to I
677
00:43:29.480 --> 00:43:31.119
want to over I don't want to overemphasize that. I
678
00:43:31.159 --> 00:43:33.719
think it's very much there. And it also fits you.
679
00:43:33.840 --> 00:43:40.199
What what are the agencies incentives? And that's where that
680
00:43:41.159 --> 00:43:45.880
incremental regulatory budget agencies I think for very good reasons,
681
00:43:46.039 --> 00:43:48.440
you are trying to follow the mission of their agency.
682
00:43:48.559 --> 00:43:52.079
If you're in the the e p A or the OSHAW,
683
00:43:52.400 --> 00:43:55.719
you're you're trying to help produce the public good of
684
00:43:55.880 --> 00:44:03.840
environmental safety, health, occupational safety. And the fact that you
685
00:44:04.000 --> 00:44:06.599
have that you're required to come up with these you know,
686
00:44:06.719 --> 00:44:11.719
cost savings from deregulations gives you this incentive well to
687
00:44:11.760 --> 00:44:13.480
do as much good as I want as I can.
688
00:44:14.000 --> 00:44:15.760
I want to get rid of the really cost the
689
00:44:15.920 --> 00:44:21.480
regulations and deregulate some so I can either pass new
690
00:44:21.559 --> 00:44:24.000
better regulations. And I think that kind of gets the
691
00:44:24.079 --> 00:44:26.719
incentives right. And if that even gets the incentives right,
692
00:44:26.760 --> 00:44:29.760
if you have, you know, sort of are a self
693
00:44:29.800 --> 00:44:33.239
interested group view of what the bureaucrats are doing in
694
00:44:33.320 --> 00:44:35.920
the agencies. You know, they're they're always going to want
695
00:44:36.000 --> 00:44:37.400
to try to you know.
696
00:44:37.519 --> 00:44:41.559
Do I think they'll have strong incentives to try to
697
00:44:41.639 --> 00:44:44.239
do as much good as they can, either out of
698
00:44:44.280 --> 00:44:47.519
self interest or out of public interest, and that regulatory
699
00:44:47.559 --> 00:44:50.280
budget is a way of incentivizing them to.
700
00:44:51.880 --> 00:44:52.119
Do that.
701
00:44:53.760 --> 00:44:55.960
So, Susan, you made a point just now that I'm
702
00:44:55.960 --> 00:44:59.280
wanted to to circle back to. Briefly. You said that
703
00:44:59.360 --> 00:45:05.599
you thought benefficult analysis can be important even if there's
704
00:45:05.679 --> 00:45:12.599
already been a political decision at high levels about the policy.
705
00:45:13.639 --> 00:45:14.519
So why would that be.
706
00:45:16.159 --> 00:45:21.920
Because it helps them understand what they're trading off. It's easier, Well,
707
00:45:22.000 --> 00:45:23.280
it's harder to make.
708
00:45:23.400 --> 00:45:26.519
A policy based on intuition if you know that there
709
00:45:26.559 --> 00:45:30.119
are some consequences of that that you had not thought of.
710
00:45:30.280 --> 00:45:34.079
So I think it just helps them, Yeah, I mean,
711
00:45:34.199 --> 00:45:36.679
and then there may be decisions this is worth it.
712
00:45:36.840 --> 00:45:38.880
We're willing to make that trade off, and there are
713
00:45:38.920 --> 00:45:41.519
good reasons for that. For example, as Don pointed out earlier,
714
00:45:41.920 --> 00:45:45.639
benefit cost analysis doesn't consider distributional impacts.
715
00:45:45.559 --> 00:45:46.199
And yet we do.
716
00:45:46.320 --> 00:45:49.159
A lot of our regulations are intended to provide safety
717
00:45:49.239 --> 00:45:55.000
nets for people who are deserving, but doing that analysis
718
00:45:55.119 --> 00:45:57.280
still is valuable and can help you make sure that
719
00:45:57.440 --> 00:46:00.920
you take your action in the most cost defective way,
720
00:46:01.679 --> 00:46:04.400
in the most efficient way, even if it isn't doesn't
721
00:46:04.480 --> 00:46:05.719
maximize that benefits.
722
00:46:07.639 --> 00:46:12.639
So here's another question from Rick Belzer, and Rick, thank
723
00:46:12.639 --> 00:46:16.239
you for sending these, so he said. In the first
724
00:46:16.280 --> 00:46:21.559
from administration, O and B demanded that agencies offer regulatory
725
00:46:21.559 --> 00:46:25.760
impact analyzes for major deregulatory actions, even where the authoring
726
00:46:25.840 --> 00:46:29.039
agency didn't perform. And if it costs analysis to justify
727
00:46:29.159 --> 00:46:33.639
rules in the first place, and that pardon me, and
728
00:46:33.760 --> 00:46:38.320
that that requirement basically resulted in slowing down the little makings,
729
00:46:38.840 --> 00:46:40.480
And so he wants to know if there's a solution
730
00:46:40.639 --> 00:46:42.119
to this, to this problem.
731
00:46:43.840 --> 00:46:45.800
Paul, I might toss that one to you.
732
00:46:46.159 --> 00:46:49.800
Given the president to take regulate not to go through noticing,
733
00:46:50.280 --> 00:46:54.440
to be able to use legal arguments to avoid notice
734
00:46:54.480 --> 00:46:56.320
in comment, is that relevant to this question?
735
00:46:56.840 --> 00:47:01.639
I think it might be. So let me just say offhand,
736
00:47:01.760 --> 00:47:06.760
I can't think of a situation in which, at least
737
00:47:06.760 --> 00:47:09.280
in my tenure, in which the first term administration a
738
00:47:09.360 --> 00:47:15.239
wire required benefit cost analysis to deep to rescind a
739
00:47:15.280 --> 00:47:19.360
regulation that had been issued without benefit cost analysis. But
740
00:47:19.519 --> 00:47:22.360
but but it may will be so that there were
741
00:47:22.440 --> 00:47:28.320
such rulemakings because we didn't typically ask whether the agency
742
00:47:28.400 --> 00:47:31.400
had undertaken benefit cost analysis issue a rule we wanted
743
00:47:31.440 --> 00:47:35.400
to quite regardless, we wanted to undertake benefit cost analysis
744
00:47:35.880 --> 00:47:38.679
to see if recision of the rule would be would
745
00:47:38.679 --> 00:47:42.159
be cost justified. And you know, I think all else equal,
746
00:47:42.440 --> 00:47:45.719
that's that's the right approach. The fact that there was
747
00:47:45.800 --> 00:47:50.599
a defect in a rulemaking doesn't doesn't automatically mean that
748
00:47:53.639 --> 00:47:55.800
in we're wing to issue a rule doesn't automatically mean
749
00:47:55.840 --> 00:47:59.440
the recision of that rule is cost justified. So I
750
00:47:59.480 --> 00:48:03.480
think the question should just be you know, is it uh?
751
00:48:04.480 --> 00:48:10.760
You know, uh? Is the agency likely to likely to
752
00:48:10.880 --> 00:48:14.079
benefit from the benefit cost analysis in the case of
753
00:48:14.119 --> 00:48:18.039
our particular rulemaking, and it is the public likely to
754
00:48:18.079 --> 00:48:22.760
benefit as well? Now, Susan, you just mentioned a recent
755
00:48:22.840 --> 00:48:31.000
executive order by President Trump about about rescinding regulations without
756
00:48:31.079 --> 00:48:37.679
noticing comment, and the order directs agencies to rescind regulations
757
00:48:37.719 --> 00:48:42.519
without noticing comment when the regulations are I think that
758
00:48:42.639 --> 00:48:47.679
I think that the term is clearly unlawful under under
759
00:48:47.719 --> 00:48:50.840
Supreme Court case law, and the order lists several cases
760
00:48:50.920 --> 00:48:55.199
under under which regulations might be might be clearly unlawful.
761
00:48:55.199 --> 00:48:57.639
These are all cases from the last few years which
762
00:48:57.679 --> 00:49:00.079
the Court has made some pretty pretty important chaine is
763
00:49:00.119 --> 00:49:03.480
to administrative law. UH And so you know, I think
764
00:49:03.519 --> 00:49:10.559
that order it doesn't it doesn't tell agencies to rescind
765
00:49:11.039 --> 00:49:14.719
regulations without conducting benefit cost analysis. It just says to
766
00:49:15.320 --> 00:49:18.920
do so without noticing comment. But of course it's in
767
00:49:19.000 --> 00:49:23.079
my experience pretty difficult cost analysis if you don't do
768
00:49:24.840 --> 00:49:27.159
you know, if you don't take comment, because normally public
769
00:49:27.199 --> 00:49:31.400
comments are provide the material to conduct your benefit cost analysis.
770
00:49:31.760 --> 00:49:33.400
So I think it's I think it's fair to say
771
00:49:34.000 --> 00:49:41.159
that AH, that agency uh p c A will be
772
00:49:41.920 --> 00:49:45.239
UH if undertaken at all. In cases in which that
773
00:49:45.280 -->
00:49:49.239
executive order has evoked h will invoked will be will
774
00:49:49.280 --> 00:49:52.079
be pretty thin. And it may well be that agencies
775
00:49:52.280 --> 00:49:55.239
dispense with benefit cost analysis altogether in those cases, though
776
00:49:55.280 --> 00:49:58.280
again that's not replied by the order. I guess what it's.
777
00:49:58.400 --> 00:50:01.679
What I'd say on that point is in cases in
778
00:50:01.760 --> 00:50:08.639
which a regulation is plainly unlawful, that is to say,
779
00:50:08.679 --> 00:50:12.280
the agency has no choice to rescind the regulation because
780
00:50:12.400 --> 00:50:17.960
the existing regulation UH is it violates the underlike statute
781
00:50:17.960 --> 00:50:21.719
of the Constitution. I would say that the need for
782
00:50:21.800 --> 00:50:25.199
benefit cost analysis is probably at its at its low
783
00:50:25.280 --> 00:50:27.920
ad there because the agency knows what it has to
784
00:50:28.000 --> 00:50:33.559
do no matter what the benefit cost analysis indicates. You know,
785
00:50:33.920 --> 00:50:36.880
the agency's authority the statute in the constitution require it
786
00:50:37.039 --> 00:50:40.559
to rescind the regulation. Even if BCA says that doing
787
00:50:40.599 --> 00:50:43.159
so it will costs, that will will result in an
788
00:50:43.360 --> 00:50:49.239
untold prepontrating costs, right than for for exceeded benefits. There's
789
00:50:49.239 --> 00:50:52.400
still a benefit to b c A even in that situation,
790
00:50:52.639 --> 00:50:55.679
because it could be helpful to the public to understand
791
00:50:56.760 --> 00:51:02.159
the costs of of UH well of the source of
792
00:51:02.239 --> 00:51:05.960
law that is requiring recision of the regulation. Right, there's
793
00:51:06.000 --> 00:51:10.639
a statute that an agency determines requires it to presind
794
00:51:10.639 --> 00:51:12.639
a regulation. It could be helpful for the public to
795
00:51:12.719 --> 00:51:18.199
understand the cost that that statute is imposing by requiring
796
00:51:18.239 --> 00:51:22.639
recision of the regulation. That said, UH, one of the
797
00:51:22.880 --> 00:51:25.599
probably the I mean in probably the main reason for
798
00:51:25.719 --> 00:51:28.400
b c A is to guide the agencies exercise of
799
00:51:28.480 --> 00:51:31.440
its discretion. That the agencies have discretion, then the need
800
00:51:32.119 --> 00:51:35.320
for for BCA goes down, even if it's not eliminated.
801
00:51:35.599 --> 00:51:37.159
So that's the right I'd say on that on that point,
802
00:51:37.239 --> 00:51:39.199
but keen to hear from from Susan and Don.
803
00:51:40.960 --> 00:51:43.159
I was actually gonna go on a just a slightly
804
00:51:43.199 --> 00:51:48.000
different category of that type of thing is that, you know,
805
00:51:48.480 --> 00:51:53.559
sometimes the benefit under executive order what you know, Clinton's
806
00:51:53.599 --> 00:51:56.840
Order one two eight sixty six, you know, set out
807
00:51:57.159 --> 00:52:01.440
conditions that regulation either you know, required to go through
808
00:52:01.519 --> 00:52:04.239
notice and comment and the benefit cost analysis, or did not,
809
00:52:05.639 --> 00:52:08.119
especially the benefit of the regulatory impact analysis, not the
810
00:52:08.280 --> 00:52:11.719
notice and common part. And you know there are I
811
00:52:11.800 --> 00:52:14.400
think that's part of the value of that ten for one,
812
00:52:15.079 --> 00:52:17.760
part of the ten for one rule as well as
813
00:52:17.800 --> 00:52:20.360
the incremental budget is that there could be a lot
814
00:52:20.480 --> 00:52:24.519
of regulations out there that were never conducted benefit cost
815
00:52:24.599 --> 00:52:29.159
analysis to begin with, and yet the agencies might have
816
00:52:29.239 --> 00:52:32.239
a pretty good idea that they're not working right or
817
00:52:32.280 --> 00:52:35.519
that they're not very valuable, and they can be counted
818
00:52:35.559 --> 00:52:37.800
in that ten for one in the in the ten
819
00:52:39.440 --> 00:52:42.440
as some of the deregulations, even if even though they're
820
00:52:42.480 --> 00:52:48.000
not kind of contributing to the incremental cost budget calculations.
821
00:52:48.360 --> 00:52:49.639
And this is a way of kind of getting rid
822
00:52:49.639 --> 00:52:53.559
of the underbrush of you know, these sort of ye know,
823
00:52:54.840 --> 00:52:57.880
worthless or even costly regulations. And I think I one
824
00:52:57.960 --> 00:53:00.960
that I guess a number of noticed during the first
825
00:53:00.960 --> 00:53:05.599
Trump administration was the frozen cherry pie standard. For some reason,
826
00:53:05.639 --> 00:53:08.760
the FDA, dating back to the nineteen seventies had issued
827
00:53:08.800 --> 00:53:11.639
a very precise set of things that you had to
828
00:53:11.719 --> 00:53:13.880
do to be able to call yourself a frozen cherry
829
00:53:13.960 --> 00:53:20.480
pie if you're a manufacturer. And there's never any clear
830
00:53:21.440 --> 00:53:23.639
benefits to that rule, and there were probably weren't very
831
00:53:23.679 --> 00:53:26.360
clear costs either, But getting rid of it is this
832
00:53:26.440 --> 00:53:29.400
sort of this idea of a cumulative burden of regulation
833
00:53:29.519 --> 00:53:32.039
that if you wanted to enter business that business, that
834
00:53:32.119 --> 00:53:33.599
would be one more thing you would have had to
835
00:53:33.639 --> 00:53:37.920
have worried about. And that was actually but I guess
836
00:53:37.960 --> 00:53:41.840
i'll that anecdote kind of ends maybe with I think
837
00:53:41.960 --> 00:53:44.639
some of the tension that's going on here with with
838
00:53:44.880 --> 00:53:47.559
a lotless notice and comment rule making, is that that
839
00:53:48.000 --> 00:53:52.239
frozen cherry pie standard. I saw it the deregulation fairly
840
00:53:52.320 --> 00:53:55.679
early on in the Trump
regulatory agenda during the first
841
00:53:55.679 --> 00:54:00.280
Trump administration. It was finalized during the Biden administration, and
842
00:54:00.440 --> 00:54:03.440
so it took years and the Biden administration agreed that
843
00:54:04.320 --> 00:54:08.679
this was a pretty worthless regulation. But I think that's
844
00:54:09.079 --> 00:54:11.800
a lot of the Those are the issues, and the
845
00:54:11.880 --> 00:54:16.159
benefit cost analysis takes time. Regulatory impact analysis takes time.
846
00:54:16.320 --> 00:54:20.400
Is Paul pointed out the notice and comment period can
847
00:54:20.480 --> 00:54:24.519
really provide useful comments to improve the benefit cost analysis
848
00:54:24.960 --> 00:54:29.599
takes time, and I think there's some impatience out there
849
00:54:30.800 --> 00:54:35.719
with trying to get things done faster and then really
850
00:54:35.800 --> 00:54:42.400
can work with the Unless you know, I'll stop there.
851
00:54:43.320 --> 00:54:46.639
I'm afraid I'm probably going to wander into making legal
852
00:54:47.400 --> 00:54:49.440
judgments that I don't have the expertise to make.
853
00:54:51.079 --> 00:54:56.039
Well. Uh, I think Don's frozen cherry pie example is
854
00:54:56.079 --> 00:55:00.639
a good one. The CFR is just full of requirements
855
00:55:00.679 --> 00:55:04.280
like that. I am put in mind of one agency
856
00:55:05.880 --> 00:55:09.079
who came to the White House one day to announce
857
00:55:09.679 --> 00:55:13.920
that it had discovered or requirements still in the books.
858
00:55:14.039 --> 00:55:18.639
In twenty twenty, the required regulated entities to report via telegram.
859
00:55:20.119 --> 00:55:24.360
The last telegram was sent in twenty ten. There are
860
00:55:24.400 --> 00:55:29.159
no telegram companies in the world, so presumably regulated parties
861
00:55:29.199 --> 00:55:33.639
have not been complying. But nevertheless, it's you know, it's
862
00:55:33.719 --> 00:55:38.559
very problematic to have requirements like that that are forgotten,
863
00:55:39.159 --> 00:55:41.480
but that regulated parties have to decide on their own
864
00:55:41.519 --> 00:55:46.320
volition to disregard right, it's quite antithetical to the rule
865
00:55:46.360 --> 00:55:49.159
of law and damp and economic growth and luckt injury.
866
00:55:49.719 --> 00:55:54.639
So the agency was happy to rescind those requirements. But
867
00:55:55.159 --> 00:55:56.719
you know, I think if that story is kind of
868
00:55:56.800 --> 00:55:59.639
standing for the idea that probably just about every agency
869
00:55:59.760 --> 00:56:03.599
has has our cane requirements that it issued decades ago
870
00:56:03.719 --> 00:56:07.280
and forgot about and until it has a reason to
871
00:56:07.400 --> 00:56:09.599
go back and look, it's not it's not going to
872
00:56:09.639 --> 00:56:13.800
do all right. So we have two minutes left until
873
00:56:14.480 --> 00:56:18.559
the until twelve thirty, which
is the end of this webinar.
874
00:56:18.639 --> 00:56:21.199
So we turn for one more question, and here's here's
875
00:56:21.239 --> 00:56:25.880
a question from from Zach Hale. Zach asks how we
876
00:56:26.039 --> 00:56:30.280
know the current administration is actually implementing or achieving the
877
00:56:30.360 --> 00:56:32.519
objectives of the ten for one order. What do we
878
00:56:32.880 --> 00:56:35.199
what will we all be watching for in that ard?
879
00:56:36.880 --> 00:56:38.480
Yeah, that's a that's a good question.
880
00:56:38.760 --> 00:56:39.519
So the.
881
00:56:41.760 --> 00:56:44.519
And it is going to be hard because the ten
882
00:56:44.639 --> 00:56:49.000
for one, I'm sure that they'll meet it because they'll
883
00:56:49.039 --> 00:56:52.239
be able to define what's what's a deregulatory action and
884
00:56:52.280 --> 00:56:55.199
what's a regulatory action in such a way that they
885
00:56:55.280 --> 00:56:58.880
can finesse the accounting. The other part is done said,
886
00:56:58.880 --> 00:57:01.679
it's going to be more binding, the actual cost offset.
887
00:57:03.000 --> 00:57:06.920
So each year O and B is supposed to issue
888
00:57:06.920 --> 00:57:09.880
a report on the benefits and costs of their regulations.
889
00:57:10.000 --> 00:57:13.800
So we'll in the year, we'll see what that report says.
890
00:57:15.679 --> 00:57:18.440
But you know, I think all this will be taken
891
00:57:18.519 --> 00:57:20.360
with a grain of salt. What do you both you
892
00:57:20.480 --> 00:57:22.480
both worked in the Trump administration, what do you think?
893
00:57:24.079 --> 00:57:26.199
Well, I mean, I know that the o IRAH, you know,
894
00:57:26.440 --> 00:57:30.199
has also, you know, separately from the benefit cost report,
895
00:57:30.760 --> 00:57:33.960
also sort of had an accounting statement every year about
896
00:57:34.079 --> 00:57:36.639
exactly how it was doing on the two for one rule.
897
00:57:37.320 --> 00:57:41.519
And again, you know, the the rules, the counting up rules,
898
00:57:41.599 --> 00:57:43.639
REGs and d REGs is sort of the easy part.
899
00:57:44.440 --> 00:57:48.199
The harder parts the incremental budget cost savings. And I
900
00:57:48.199 --> 00:57:52.159
think the hardest part is, you know, have we really
901
00:57:52.280 --> 00:57:56.639
deregulated the most important things to deregulate. It's almost impossible
902
00:57:56.719 --> 00:57:59.039
to know. I mean, I think there when and that's
903
00:57:59.079 --> 00:58:01.280
not something that the administration is going to be able
904
00:58:01.280 --> 00:58:05.599
to definitively say or not. But I hope that academics
905
00:58:06.199 --> 00:58:08.880
will continue to provide that outside voice of Hey, it
906
00:58:08.960 --> 00:58:12.480
looks like yours. What was achieved and what wasn't achieved
907
00:58:12.960 --> 00:58:13.639
by this rule.
908
00:58:15.280 --> 00:58:18.199
Yeah, that tallies of my experience as well. I found
909
00:58:18.239 --> 00:58:24.320
that the cost budget is well really drives agency action
910
00:58:24.519 --> 00:58:27.960
more than the more than the ratio requirement. That was
911
00:58:28.000 --> 00:58:29.440
the case into two for one order. I have to
912
00:58:29.480 --> 00:58:31.079
imagine it's the case under the ten for one order,
913
00:58:31.159 --> 00:58:35.800
especially given that if memory serves, agencies can comply with
914
00:58:35.920 --> 00:58:42.000
the ratio requirement by rescinding guidance. Agencies have just trobes
915
00:58:42.239 --> 00:58:47.719
of guidance from from over the decades that often enough
916
00:58:47.760 --> 00:58:50.000
they don't. They don't bother to rescind. I think you know,
917
00:58:51.440 --> 00:58:54.400
I want to say, I'm the Department of Labor's guidance portal.
918
00:58:54.519 --> 00:58:57.880
Right now, there's nine thousand guidance documents was to write.
919
00:58:58.480 --> 00:59:01.360
I have to imagine that the agency, if it's said
920
00:59:01.800 --> 00:59:06.079
about it, could rescind hundreds of those in pretty short
921
00:59:06.159 --> 00:59:10.280
order and could use that recision to meet the ten
922
00:59:10.320 --> 00:59:12.679
for one requirement pretty well. But that wouldn't be very
923
00:59:12.760 --> 00:59:18.000
useful in meeting the right budgeting requirement unless they can
924
00:59:18.039 --> 00:59:21.880
show economic benefits from the recision of those of those
925
00:59:22.440 --> 00:59:25.400
guidance documents. So yeah, I tend to agree that the
926
00:59:29.119 --> 00:59:31.320
the more important provision of the ten for one order
927
00:59:31.320 --> 00:59:34.400
is actually the cost budgeting provision, and wealthy to assess
928
00:59:34.440 --> 00:59:39.159
on agencies do on that through the ORB reports. Well, I, oh,
929
00:59:39.199 --> 00:59:39.559
go ahead do.
930
00:59:40.400 --> 00:59:42.840
I would like to say. One thing that's true too,
931
00:59:43.000 --> 00:59:47.599
is that one deregulatory action can have huge cost savings,
932
00:59:47.800 --> 00:59:53.400
like the Cafe Standard Safe Act. A lot of the
933
00:59:53.480 --> 00:59:57.320
net regulatory cost savings of the first Trump administration are
934
00:59:57.360 --> 01:00:00.719
accounted for by one action. So when you're looking for
935
01:00:00.760 --> 01:00:03.400
those significant costs, look at the big look at the
936
01:00:03.440 --> 01:00:05.159
big regulation, big big regulations.
937
01:00:06.360 --> 01:00:10.239
That's right. Oh, that's right. Well, we are here at
938
01:00:10.320 --> 01:00:11.800
the at the end of our time together. So I
939
01:00:11.880 --> 01:00:15.599
want to thank our panels, Don and Susan, thank you
940
01:00:15.760 --> 01:00:19.320
very much for joining us, and thanks to the audience
941
01:00:19.559 --> 01:00:22.840
for being here as well, and we hope to see
942
01:00:22.840 --> 01:00:25.159
you soon. Let me over to you great.
943
01:00:25.280 --> 01:00:28.199
What a fantastic discussion. Thank you so much Paul for moderating,
944
01:00:28.320 --> 01:00:30.559
and thank you again to Susan and Don for joining
945
01:00:30.639 --> 01:00:33.320
us and for sharing your insights today. For more content
946
01:00:33.480 --> 01:00:36.280
like this from the Regulatory Transparency Project here at the
947
01:00:36.280 --> 01:00:39.679
Federalist Society discussing the regulatory state in the American way
948
01:00:39.679 --> 01:00:43.159
of life. Please visit us at regproject dot org. That
949
01:00:43.360 --> 01:00:44.760
is regproject dot org.
950
01:00:44.960 --> 01:00:49.079
Thank you on behalf of the Federal Society's Regulatory Transparency Project.
951
01:00:49.159 --> 01:00:52.119
Thanks for tuning in to the Fourth Branch podcast to
952
01:00:52.199 --> 01:00:54.719
catch every new episode when it's released. You can subscribe
953
01:00:54.800 --> 01:00:59.480
on Apple podcasts, Google Play, and speaker relays from our TP.
954
01:00:59.679 --> 01:01:02.800
Please visit our website at reg project dot org. That's
955
01:01:03.039 --> 01:01:04.880
r e G Project dot org.
956
01:01:13.800 --> 01:01:15.679
This has been a FEDSOC audio production