TRANSCRIPCIÓN 🔗
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Thanks very much for the introduction and thank you all for attending either virtually or in person.
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It's great to have an opportunity to come and talk about some of the research that I've been doing recently.
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So as Natasha mentioned in the introduction, amongst the various hats I wear, I am currently a trustee for the NGO of Human Rights at Sea,
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and one of the reasons I'm in the UK at the moment is that there's going to be a conference on human rights law at sea at Wilton Park from Monday,
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Wednesday of next week, which I'm attending. And this is a follow on partly from the UK House of Lords inquiry into unclosed,
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whether it's still fit for purpose and thinking about a range of different issues, one of which was the Human Rights at sea angle.
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So this is sort of why I'm here and why I thought it might be interesting to talk about the Geneva Declaration on Human Rights at Sea,
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which was the brainchild of the founder and CEO of Human Rights at Sea, David Hammond.
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It was drafted by various international lawyers,
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and I thought what I would cover for this evening's purposes, if I can advance there it is on the screen.
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I'll just give you a little bit of a background to that instrument in terms of why it was adopted, what it actually looks like.
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Give you some idea of some of the the different ways that human rights law interacts with the law of the sea.
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But what I mostly wanted to focus on was really the very fact that we've got what's a soft law and informal
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agreement and how that sort of fits into what we understand lawmaking to be in international law.
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So given that this is an NGO initiative, where can this realistically go from here?
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So in that respect, I compare it to some other instruments that was sort of NGO initiated and where they ended up and how they compare.
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And also consider the different options for informal lawmaking when compared to our formal law
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making processes and see if there's some ways that we can consider similarities or potentials.
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So well, spoiler alert it's a mixed bag on where that's going to end up, so there's definitely some work to do.
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So just by way of background to the Geneva Declaration, as I mentioned, this at the moment is purely an NGO based initiative.
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So it was drafted by a half a dozen international lawyers, including Professor Stephen Haines,
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Professor Irini Papa Nicole Upolu, Sofia Gilani, Ana Petrick and Elizabeth Metropoles.
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So and also David Hammond involved as well.
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So it was also vetted by various solicitors who were working who are different law firms by human rights at sea.
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So there was considered a need to have an instrument that deals with these issues,
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particularly just because of the scale of human rights violations that are occurring at sea.
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So it's been estimated there are about 30 million people at sea at any one time.
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So amongst all of those people at sea, obviously a large portion of those people are fishers.
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There have been concerns about essentially modern forms of slavery amongst the fishing industry,
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the issues for seafarers who are on cargo ships and their conditions of work,
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particularly during the pandemic, where seafarers were unable to leave their ships and go offshore.
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Discrimination about their work conditions at the time also issues when you think about all the passenger liners, not just the passengers,
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were all stranded because of COVID, but also issues about sexual assault that happens somewhat frequently on cruise ships.
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And then what happens there in terms of bringing perpetrators to justice, providing remedies to victims of sexual assault in those situations.
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So there's been quite a lot of evidence coming forward about a range of different human rights violations that occur at sea.
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But the problem is because it's happening long distance from shore,
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there's this idea of sea blindness that it's not immediately confronting to people in any particular country.
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So it's sort of like what we don't know. We don't really have to do anything about it.
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So part of the. The idea with the Geneva Declaration is really to bring these issues front and centre.
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So in terms of the Geneva Declaration itself, it's not set up.
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Like, you know,
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if you think of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and how it's about sort of a grand statement about all these different human rights,
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this document is framed differently. So after a foreword, it has four fundamental principles that are the key point of focus.
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So that up on the slide here, the key point being human rights are
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universal.
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They apply at sea as they do on land that all persons at sea without distinction are entitled to their human rights,
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that there's no maritime specific reason for denying them.
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So just because you're on the ocean, that is not a reason to deny human rights.
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And that all human rights established under both treaty and customary international law must be respected at sea,
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so for relatively basic principles on their face.
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So that's sort of the core of the Geneva Declaration.
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And then there are three annexes to the document as well.
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So Annexe, I kind of goes through in more detail the range of different human rights abuses
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that are occurring at sea beyond those that I mentioned to you just previously.
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So that way it provides sort of a factual basis for why this instrument is needed.
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Annexe B then lists out various international human rights treaties that are applicable.
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Obviously, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Convention on the Rights of the Child also,
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and particularly for seafarers, the International Covenant on Economic and Social Rights.
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And then there are some maritime specific treaties as well, such as the Maritime Labour Convention,
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as well as the Working Work in Fishing Convention as well.
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Also, obviously regional human rights treaties might also be relevant and there's a
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whole series of rights that could potentially apply in different settings at sea.
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So Annexe Sea is the one that I was probably the most interested in as a law of the Sea person,
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because these are the guidelines for promoting compliance with human rights at sea.
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And that's where we start getting some details set out about how we might expect flag states,
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coastal states, ports states to address potential violations of human rights at sea.
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These guidelines that are done in a way that they should be accessible to anybody who reads them.
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So it's not a document specifically for lawyers. It's for somebody who's working in a port who wants to pick something up and
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just try and understand what these issues might be and how they might apply.
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So it hasn't got quite the nuance that we might expect as a legal instrument
as such.
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But it is supposed to try and give a fairly strong indication of what the different
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human rights laws that apply or what the good practice is in that setting.
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So in terms of how it all interacts with the existing law of the sea, I don't as I said, I'm not going to go into detail on that.
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I have written about that recently in the Ocean Development and International Law.
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So if you are keen, you can have a look at that.
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I just wanted to mention three particular issues, just to give you a sense of what we do need to think about as lawyers,
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if we're trying to work out more the technicalities of how this is going to work.
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So one of the issues is around this concept of effective control.
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So any of you who've sort of looked at the extraterritorial application of human rights,
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you know that what we tend to talk about is does a state have effective control over individuals at the time?
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That is the basis by which different international and regional courts have established jurisdiction.
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So we've seen that in relation to the ICCPR. We've seen that in relation to the Convention Against Torture.
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And certainly the European Court of Human Rights has relied on this test of effective control as a means of establishing
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that they have that state has jurisdiction and that the matter can be rightly decided by that particular body.
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But one of the questions that comes up is, well, is this test of effective control.
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Is that really just for establishing jurisdiction of those particular bodies,
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or is it a test that we can use to establish the human rights obligations owed?
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So we need to stop and think, is this actually are we using one particular tool in a very different setting, which is not what was intended?
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I think there's obviously going to be room for discussion around this,
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but if you figure that we kind of went with the effective control doctrine on the idea that,
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you know, this should not be a place where states can violate human rights with impunity.
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I think the same reasoning kind of holds when we think about, well,
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should we have an area out on the oceans where states could potentially violate human rights with impunity?
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So the reasoning might still be
the same. But the point I don't think is entirely settled and needs to be considered a bit further.
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Second, also, there are issues of concurrent jurisdiction that happen once we start talking about incidents at sea.
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So imagine quite easily. I'm sure you have a Dutch flagged vessel which is run by an NGO that has picked up a large number of
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migrants who were fleeing from Libya and they are now trying to take the migrants into port in Italy.
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So in that scenario, will, which state is going to have responsibility?
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Is it the Netherlands? Is the flag state on which the migrants are?
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Is it Italy where they want to seek asylum? Is it Libya, which is potentially ostensibly the flag state when they left Libya at that time?
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So there's always going to be situations potentially of concurrent jurisdiction depending on where a vessel is,
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where the people are on what ship that is flagged.
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So that in itself is a common situation in international law.
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But what we see happening in the human rights context is that one state will assume that the other state is
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going to exercise jurisdiction and it's used as a way of not actually pursuing the human rights claims.
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So the guidelines admonish flag states not to abdicate their responsibility to respond as appropriate to any human rights violation on its ships.
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And equally, a port state should not abdicate its responsibility to respond to any human rights violations occurring within its jurisdiction.
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And then another point which still really needs to be resolved relates to this idea about where a port state,
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for example, might have a right to exercise jurisdiction but isn't required to exercise jurisdiction.
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So we talk a little bit and the Law of the Sea about when a port state might have jurisdiction to deal
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with actions that have happened sort of on the high seas outside areas of national jurisdiction.
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And we say that there are some incidents like when there's been pollution, for example,
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where the port state could potentially act or perhaps it's illegal fishing and they might be able to act.
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So there is an argument that, for example, that arena parking lot please put forward that,
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you know, port states may well have jurisdiction to do this.
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But the question is, well, even if you say, well, sure, maybe they can, but are they obliged to exercise jurisdiction?
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I think that brings us a bit more into to human rights law in terms of, well,
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if this is happening within your territory, must you act to provide the remedy and to prevent human rights violations?
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Anyway, I said I wasn't going to spend too long on that, and I probably already have.
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So let's move on to concentrate more on this idea of informal lawmaking and
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what it means and what it might mean for the Geneva Declaration in particular.
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So once we start talking about informal agreements,
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it's this idea of creating shared expectations as to the standard of conduct in relation to a specific international issue.
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So. If that's the informal agreement that we're dealing with an instrument that is not legally binding,
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then the process of informal lawmaking can be defined in different ways and used.
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Palin has worked with various colleagues to come up with a useful definition,
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which I've paraphrased here, which is in formal lawmaking and international law,
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involves the process of international cooperation to reach agreements other than treaties between public authorities,
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with or without the participation of private actors or international organisations in varied institutions and networks.
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So what we're seeing potentially with informal lawmaking is it is potentially different actors who are involved.
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It's a different output to what we might normally expect.
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So it's not necessarily a treaty that comes out the end and then the process or the venue by which it's done is is not your typical venue,
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as we might expect. One thing to note here is that in the discussions by Parliament and colleagues,
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they talk about agreements between public authorities and that is a relevant consideration when you're thinking
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about the Geneva Declaration being an initiative of an NGO private organisation and what that might mean,
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because generally we see that with informal agreements. So this is an opportunity for a wider set of stakeholders to be involved in lawmaking.
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So it's a chance for non-state actors to be able to contribute information as to why states should act in particular
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situations and deal with a range of of particular
issues so it it can enhance good governance through improved transparency,
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by facilitating information sharing, distributing responsibilities and accountabilities, and also enhancing cooperation.
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So just to then take some examples of where we've had NGOs very much involved in the international law making.
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This isn't a new phenomenon by any means.
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If you go back to The Hague peace conferences, civil societies were involved at that particular time in in the discussions.
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So.
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We also know, though, that the engagement of civil society actors, of course, is limited by the traditional state centric aspect of international law.
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But really, since the time of the Cold War ending,
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there has been a lot more opportunities for NGOs to be able to engage in international fora with diverse and also with like minded states.
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So I'm sure you can probably all think of examples of treaties where NGOs have been quite involved,
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whether it was during the negotiations for the ICC statute, for example,
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obviously the trachea, the Ottawa Convention on Banning Landmines, the Convention on Cluster Munitions,
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and then most recently, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.
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NGOs were also very involved in the development of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and also the 2000 Kimberley Process,
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which was dealing with trade in conflict diamonds as well.
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But I wanted to focus particularly on these three treaties you see here, the Ottawa Convention, the convention on Cluster Munitions,
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and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, because I believe that's these three where it was the NGO that really started the process.
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And I think for that reason, it's interesting to see, well,
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what was the journey that was taken in this idea coming from an NGO and how did we end up with a treaty?
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Is this a path that we could see for the Geneva Declaration?
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So if we consider some of the characteristics of the Ottawa Convention,
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the Cluster Munitions Treaty and the Nuclear Ban Treaty and the lawmaking process, there are some commonalities in each instance.
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The core message was quite simple and unambiguous.
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It was about banning a weapon. What had to be done banning what
was targeted as a weapon?
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Very clear.
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So and certainly in the context of the Nuclear Weapon Ban Treaty, the core content was already very well known throughout societies as well.
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But I suspect that the core message of the Geneva Declaration actually lacks this simplicity.
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I mean, I said this those four fundamental principles, right?
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So human rights apply at sea just as they do on land.
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Sure, we can accept that it shouldn't be a difficult proposition, but it kind of begs an initial question about, you know,
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are we saying that that human rights don't apply or are we really just saying that human rights are not enforced at sea?
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And so really, it's just an issue of implementation rather than an issue of principle itself.
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And then, of course, the question is, well, what human rights we're really talking about?
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We know international human rights law is a vast area of law, that the individual rights within then each have their own sort of vagaries,
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their own particular content, their own little exceptions that might apply in certain circumstances.
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So as such, it doesn't make the Geneva Declaration on Human Rights at Sea, I think, as straightforward as this idea of a ban on a particular weapon.
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Obviously, each of those treaties then ended up having their own fine points that that happened.
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But it was a starting point with a simple and unambiguous message.
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Also, for each of these three treaties, the economic costs were relatively low for some of the stakeholders.
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So arms manufacturers who were making the landmines or making the cluster munitions,
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they were still making lots of other weapons anyway that weren't going to be banned.
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So there was still money in them. Nuclear weapons, primarily a state based business, if you like.
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So there weren't really private groups operating in opposition to the NGOs pushing for these different bans.
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So the economic situation for human rights at sea I think is quite different.
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Shipping and fishing companies are highly incentivised to keep their labour costs low,
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so cruise companies don't want their profit margins affected if it's going to be widely known that assaults are occurring during their cruises.
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Consumers will be negatively impacted financially if the prices of goods increase because of shipping costs,
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if seafood becomes more expensive, if cruises become luxury holidays.
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So states also have potential economic costs to bear in disrupting transnational crime
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operations if they're going to be rescuing migrants or people who are being trafficked.
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And in monitoring and prosecuting human rights. Pieces that have occurred on their ships or in their waters.
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So, again, another difficulty for the Geneva Declaration.
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Also what we saw with the Ottawa Convention and Cluster Munitions and Nuclear Ban Treaty
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was that they were each endorsed and there was engagement with like minded states.
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And achieving state buying can be critical really to the success of an NGO effort to secure the adoption of an international instrument.
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That's certainly something that human rights at sea, the NGO is hoping will happen with the Geneva Declaration.
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And there's perhaps some signs that some countries are interested, but we're not quite there yet.
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It might still happen. Now, also, though, with some of these different campaigns, there have also been security and political concerns.
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And with each of these sort of treaties that were banning weapons, it was easy, relatively speaking,
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to run a campaign about the humanitarian side that could outweigh perhaps the security concerns that existed.
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So the debate was recast by the NGOs,
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by the like minded states as something that was political and humanitarian and allowed for greater
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engagement beyond the military elite and beyond looking purely at these questions from a security basis.
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So focusing on human impact may allow for a debate to be reframed from questions of military or security advantages to one concerned with justice.
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But the opposite might well be true when we get to human rights at sea.
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As I mentioned, there are economic concerns here.
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And also we know from states practice, particularly in the migration context, there is a preference to securitise issues related to migration,
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not to favour the human rights orientation where there are options to think about the humanitarian sides.
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States are instead emphasising the importance of their security and their border security, most particularly.
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So I think by way of benchmarking with these other lawmaking processes,
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it's not immediately evident that the Geneva Declaration will progress to a treaty.
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But all is not lost. There are other ways that informal lawmaking might still have an impact.
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So when we start thinking about the traditional approaches to lawmaking and how
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international law is formed and we end up with treaties and customary international law,
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we know that informal agreements can have an impact in different ways.
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So the informal agreement can be taken into account in treaty interpretation, potentially, because they provide us with the context of a treaty.
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It tells us what perhaps the current expectations are.
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So that might be one possibility. If we try to look to some of the other aspects of treaty interpretation,
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we start running into a little bit more difficulty because if we start thinking about informal agreements as a subsequent agreement,
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what we're actually looking for is a subsequent agreement between the parties
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regarding the interpretation of the treaty or the application of its provisions.
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And the Geneva Declaration is not a subsequent agreement between the parties.
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States would need to endorse the Declaration, perhaps as a U.N. General Assembly resolution, to get kind of close to that.
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Informal agreements might count as subsequent practice,
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but only in the application of a treaty which establishes the agreement of the parties regarding its interpretation.
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And an instrument adopted by an NGO doesn't count in that regard.
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And similarly, even when we get to considering systemic integration,
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so this idea that we should look at all the treaties that are all applicable and try and interpret them all together,
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yes, that works when you're looking at treaties. But the idea of systemic integration,
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as it's phrased under the Vienna Convention on Law of Treaties is that they're looking for agreements that are applicable between the parties,
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and a query might be raised that an informal agreement is not applicable precisely because it's not formally binding as such.
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So there's some little possibilities there. But also again, we run into some roadblocks.
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Now, there is a possibility that an informal agreement may be a prompt for state action and could potentially contribute to state practice.
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So an NGO doing something in itself, obviously the NGO is not a state, so therefore it cannot be state practice.
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But what we have seen happen on occasions is that because of the advocacy positions that NGOs have taken that compels the state
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to respond and the response of the state is then the practice that can become relevant in terms of customary international law.
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So we saw this in, I mentioned the example of Italy previously,
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so where the Italian courts essentially had to come forward and say, well, yes, people are allowed to enter port in distress.
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So the court was essentially affirming a position under customary international law based on the actions of NGOs going into port,
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claiming that they were in distress at the time.
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Now beyond the the interaction with formal international law, I think we actually still need to look a little bit more broadly than that.
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So we know in the Law of the Sea and actually in many different areas of international law,
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that informal agreements are being used more and more, perhaps because we've got treaty fatigue,
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that there's perhaps too much dissonance between states these days to be able to reach a new treaty,
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which I'm sure we'll overcome for the plastics treaty, no doubt.
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So the fallback position in those situations is to look to informal agreements.
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They can be easier. The political costs are lower.
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So in this book, the unconventional lawmaking book,
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the contributors and I would go through and we've looked at the full range of different informal instruments that exist within the Law of the Sea.
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And what we notice that cutting across this process of informal lawmaking and the variety of outputs is what we described as sort of normative intent,
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the normative effect. So, for example, a process may have normative intent, that is the actors or sorry,
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a process may not have normative intent where the actors do not want to create a formally binding law,
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but it might ultimately still produce normative effect.
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So the standards may still form the basis of a treaty or state stop acting that way because they believe they're legally bound to do so.
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Or there might be normative intent amongst the actors they want to form law,
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but ultimately or to date, no normative effect is actually achieved despite the earlier intent.
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So in those different scenarios, we might see normative value emerging so we can get normative effect, I think in two potential ways.
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The first one more difficult, I think for the Geneva Declaration is within the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
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We have a number of different rules of reference and they allow us to refer to generally agreed international regulations or rules and standards,
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and that provides a way to bring in standards that are not legally binding,
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that they become binding by virtue of the fact that they're generally agreed and unclosed makes them binding.
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But so far the way that we have seen that happen has been in the context of or the expectation that it
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would be a recommendation that's been adopted by the IMO some sort of intergovernmental organisation,
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not again, this NGO initiated process.
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And more interesting example is perhaps with the San Remo manual,
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which is a adopted in 1994 under the auspices of the San Remo Institute for International Humanitarian Law.
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So the San Remo Manual basically is intended to be a restatement of the laws of naval warfare.
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So those laws were once adopted back at the time?
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Well, in the early 1900s, I think it was.
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But what's interesting about the San Remo manual is that it was a number of different private individuals who got together and said,
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Alright, what do we think the modern laws are? Let's write them down, let's explain why we think that is the way it is.
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And we see this happening in international humanitarian law bit at the moment with the Tallinn Manual, the Woomera Manual, for example.
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This is a way that private individuals are being involved in setting out the law.
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Then what happens, even though they're the private individuals who have done that, is that that is getting followed up within national laws.
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So at the San Remo Manual,
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various of its provisions have found its way into the different like codes that the naval legal officers follow in different settings.
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So perhaps this is something that might happen with the Geneva
Declaration if we see if it's set up in
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such a way that you have port officials or naval officers or other legal officers who look at it and go,
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Alright, we can just incorporate this into our domestic law.
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In that way it becomes binding and in the end that will be enough without having an international instrument.
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There is also examples of normative intent that can be detected within the Geneva Declaration.
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Mostly it purports to to say that we're restating what existing international law is.
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We're just putting it all together in a very digestible way.
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But within the different guidelines that are set out in Annexe C, there's also this idea that there's good practice that is happening as well.
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So perhaps not what is accepted as law, but again has that sense of like surrender.
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This is what it should be in the future. So good practice for flag states.
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Flag states to seek to ensure that the masters of all vessels cooperate with coastal or port states to ensure
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compliance through to now good practice but emerging practice that when a coastal state is issuing a license.
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To a vessel that it can come and fish within its exclusive economic zone,
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that in the conditions of the licence, that they will include adherence to human rights standards.
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And then that would mean the coastal state can go and enforce those license requirements under Article 73 of UN place.
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So again,
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we can sort of say that with this normative intent there's an idea that these are things that are going to be taken into the national laws of states.
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So I think in terms of our future options for the Geneva Declaration, really what is critical is thinking about the awareness raising,
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which is just a critically important aspect of the Geneva Declaration,
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but also thinking about the capacity building that is going to be necessary or partnerships that need to be undertaken with states
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to be able to understand that this is something that is happening and that needs a response from states in different contexts,
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from sort of more legal academic perspective.
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I think as you might have gathered in terms of the the guidelines that are set out in Annexe C,
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I do think that there would be some benefit in trying to
actually do that in a much more legal way
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where we deal with the nuances and we deal with some of the difficulties around jurisdiction.
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Maybe that is something that could be usefully studied by a committee of the ILO or
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within the IOC if we were to think of a particular treaty that might be needed.
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I think mostly we don't need another treaty in this area.
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We've got the human rights treaties, but perhaps the one little gap that we have that could be usefully filled is
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really this question around port state authority and port state responsibility.
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So maybe following something along the Port State Measures agreement,
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but actually going a bit further because the port state measures agreement gives
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port states authority to inspect vessels that are suspected of IUU fishing,
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but then they have to refer the matter to the flag state.
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So it would be better, I would think, if the port state could actually or should actually exercise jurisdiction itself.
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So there are potentially a few different ways forward.
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So as described in its forward, the Geneva Declaration is said to be a concise refocusing of existing international law.
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And what the Geneva Declaration is trying to do is explain how this operates.
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So connecting international human rights law with the law of the sea, it can be done, even if it's perhaps not as straightforward as it might seem.
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At first blush, I think, given the ongoing failures of some flag states to protect human rights.
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There is a need to really consider how other states may be empowered to take action to promote human rights.
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And the Geneva Declaration does indicate how this may be possible.
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And I think we need to think further on how we could have a situation where states are required to take action to protect human rights.
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And as with so much of international law and particularly international human rights law,
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much is going to come down to the readiness of states to align that conduct with existing international standards.
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Certainly that willingness needs to exist if we are going to try and advance this particular issue.
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But given that we're dealing with 30 million people who are on the seas and the vast majority of those are actually fishers,
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then we really need to make a stop in doing something about this problem.
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So I think the Geneva Declaration is important for that reason.
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But I will leave it there, and I'm interested to hear your questions and and thoughts on all of that.
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So thank you for your attention.