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Welcome to Berlin Side Out, the podcast that takes an expert look at how Germany sees the
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world and the world sees Germany.
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With me, Benjamin Tallis.
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And me, Aaron Gash-Bernett.
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Hello, and welcome back to Berlin Side Out, the Foreign Affairs podcast in association
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with the German Council on Foreign Relations that takes an expert look at international
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politics from Berlin.
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I'm Aaron Gash-Bernett, a journalist and security analyst specializing in German politics and
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foreign policy.
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And I'm here with my friend and co-host, Benjamin Tallis, Senior Research Fellow here at the
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Council and head of its Action Group, Seitanwende.
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Now, Ben, we're recording this today, our second season finale of Berlin Side Out on
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the sidelines of the Leonard Mary Conference in Tallinn.
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In plenty of the conversations we've had here speak to the need for a new turning point
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in how we defend our democracies and ensure our prosperity.
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We've been hearing here, particularly from Estonian hosts, but also from others.
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And we agree that the road to doing that runs through Ukraine, specifically through Ukrainian
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victory.
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And I've noticed here in Tallinn calls for us to break the cycle of pessimism.
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And Prime Minister Kaya Kallis put it thus, we need to understand the situation is serious,
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but excessive pessimism can lead us into thinking that acting is pointless.
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So let's take bold steps to help Ukraine win and break that cycle.
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Let's up our military support and industrial capacity.
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Let's seize Russia's central bank assets.
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Let's give Ukraine a credible path to NATO.
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And I'm very happy to say, listeners, that we were at a media briefing with Prime Minister
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Kaya Kallis, and we will be hearing excerpts of what she told international media, including
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us at the briefing later on in the show.
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But Ben, in contrast to the "We'll find a way or make one" approach that we see in
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Tallinn, in other capitals.
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In Germany, we often hear about why we just don't, we can't do any of these things, often
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for reasons that
Load full transcript
frankly just don't stack up.
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And that seems a far cry from Chancellor Olaf Scholz's "Sit and Vendor" speech two years
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ago, in which he promised a new era in German and foreign and security policy.
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So have we really had a "Sit and Vendor" and is that term still useful?
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No and no.
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On the substance, I stand by the assessment that we made at the end of last year, based
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on the work of the Action Group "Sit and Vendor", that the change, Germany's sea change or turning
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point as trailed by Olaf Scholz in that speech is not only seriously incomplete on its own
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terms, but it's dangerously inadequate to meet the challenges that we actually face
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and seize the opportunities that we'll need to in order to not despair but actually act
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as is the theme of this conference here.
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In terms of the speed of change, the level of ambition of that change and how internationally
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coordinated it's been and the coherence it has across policy sectors, it hasn't met
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the requirements.
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The one exception I would say is the sustainability of the change that's been made, which is likely
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to stick, but that's also because it hasn't gone very far, to be quite honest.
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Even though in some areas such as relations to Russia, I'm not sure the current position
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will actually be sustained in a, if there's a geopolitical shift again.
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That assessment also goes for the five major fields that were covered in the speech, support
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for Ukraine as the first, building Germany's defence capabilities, second, third, the approach
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to authoritarian states, fourth, Germany's contribution to and positioning in key institutions,
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EU and NATO especially, and fifth, and lastly, its energy mix.
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While Germany has got off Russian gas, and it did so fast, partly because Russia turned
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off the tab, it hasn't yet found an energy mix that answers geopolitical as well as
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ecological and economic considerations that is sustainable in the long run.
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This is where a shift to the positive, the Titan vendor has succeeded in opening up the
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space of discussion in which geopolitical considerations, security considerations in
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fields of energy and economy as well as others can actually be discussed.
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However, going with the latest research we've been doing, including virus series of focus
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groups that we commissioned around Germany, and which was just presented to the Action
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Group Titan vendor this week, I think the term has now outlived its usefulness because it
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seemed by experts and the general public alike as empty, and has become something of a symbol
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of inadequacy rather than of rising to meet the geopolitical moment that alone setting
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the kind of strategy we need to face the future with confidence.
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But that's in Germany.
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Elsewhere, it has been different, and some didn't need to change so much in the first
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place.
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Others have recognized mistakes of the past and have changed position rhetorically at
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least, even if questions remain about the material backup to that and how sustainable
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that change will be.
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And that's what we want to talk about with our guests today.
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So to help us discuss both the German and European dimensions of this, including how
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to bring about the strategic turning point, we need to see, we're joined by a fabulously
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international panel, which we hope will help you understand the multiple perspectives in
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play here.
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So first up, welcome to Benjamin Haddad, a member of the French National Assembly and
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self-described recovering think tanker, as I heard you say yesterday, having had quite
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the career in security studies before heading into politics.
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Welcome also to Ambassador Jonathan Seveov, the Secretary General of the Estonian Foreign
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Affairs Ministry.
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And finally, Dr. Sabina Fischer, senior fellow in the Research Division on Eastern Europe
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and Eurasia at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs.
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So we're going to give our hosts the privilege of going first.
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Jonathan, we're talking about how the security debate has changed or needs to change in Europe
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or parts of Europe, but Estonia hasn't had the same turning point, partly because it
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warned about Russian intentions, the weaponization of Nord Stream 2, and it ended up being right.
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How does it feel to have been proven right?
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And what are the changes Germany
and others need to make to catch up?
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But also, we must also ask this, what changes do you think Estonia might also need to make?
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So first of all, thank you for having me and thank you for the kind words.
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It's great to be here in Tallinn at the Linn-Otmeri Conference.
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I think the conference year after year becomes more and more relevant.
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You know, I think it doesn't feel particularly great to have been right.
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We always knew we were right.
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I'm sure our opponents back in the day in those debates also thought they were right.
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And then when they realized they weren't, they did the gracious thing of saying that
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they were mistaken and changed course.
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That's not relevant today because we're in the middle of a war that will shape Europe's
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history, Europe's future, certainly Estonia's security.
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And instead of focusing on who was right, who was wrong a year ago or 10 years ago, we
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should be focusing on the future.
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What it is that we're trying to get out of this, how do we define victory, which shouldn't
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really be a controversial issue and hasn't been for Estonia.
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We've said it publicly, officially.
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We define victory as an outcome that safeguards territorial integrity and sovereignty as cornerstones
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of European security.
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And that obviously also includes territorial integrity and sovereignty for Ukraine.
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Our definition of victory includes the notion that aggression as a tool of statecraft should
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be discredited, meaning that the aggressor should not find himself in a better position
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strategically or politically or economically than he was when he decided to commit aggression.
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That relates to this notion of accountability, both with regard to war crimes and the crime
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of aggression, but also to accountability in the sense of the damages that have been
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caused in Ukraine and potential reparations or if not those, then the use of frozen assets
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for the reconstruction of Ukraine.
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And it includes the notion of Europe that security architecture remains standing on
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the two feet it's been standing on that's NATO and the European Union with those that
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are willing and able as part of those organizations.
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And that obviously includes Ukraine and Boltova and others with the caveat of them meeting
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the necessary requirements.
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These are merit-based organizations.
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But we should be very, very open and clear about the fact that war instability, chaos
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in post-Cold War Europe has always stemmed from those so-called gray areas.
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And if we leave a gray area in the middle of the geostrategic center of Europe, then
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we'll have nothing but war, chaos and instability in the future.
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So that's what we're focused on, talking about it openly, pushing for others to do more,
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pushing ourselves to do more.
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The only metric that matters is not whether we were right yesterday, whether we are right
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today.
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The only metric that matters is whether we win or whether we lose.
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And we won't know until it happens.
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Now, I don't want to go on for too long, but I'll just say one more thing.
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We're democracies.
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We're very good at creating narratives, talking about stuff.
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So it's only natural that when we win wars, we celebrate them with concrete dates in mind.
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When we lose wars, we tend to do a very good job at explaining the loss away.
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Sooner or later, the defeat becomes evident.
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We lost the war in Afghanistan.
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Taliban is back.
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We lost it.
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But when did we lose it?
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My point being here, that our defeats, unless they're total defeats, which are unlikely at
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this stage, our defeats usually come under other banners.
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They come under the banner of peace or of strategic stability.
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That's why we're advocating for very clear language when it comes to what we're trying
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to get out of this current war.
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We're somewhat concerned that others find it difficult to use similarly clear language
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because it obviously raises all sorts of logical questions as to why there are certainly no
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intellectual gaps or holdbacks.
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And final thing I want to say before handing it over to colleagues on Germany.
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I can sense how the criticism that comes from this part of Europe towards Germany, how we
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can irritate our German friends for good reasons, who likes to be criticized.
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And I'm not saying this as a government official, but just as an observer.
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When you look at the criticism coming from Polish think tanks or Lithuania or Latvia
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or Estonia, look at the essence of the criticism.
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It is those countries, those societies demanding for more Germany, more German military might,
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more German economic presence, more Germany.
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And I know it can be irritating, but if you take a few steps back and look at the context,
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look at who's talking and consider their history, there cannot be a greater compliment to Germany's
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democracy and trustworthiness that you have Poland demanding for more Germany or Lithuania
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demanding for more Germany.
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So I hope that our German friends, even when they disagree, see this as the most significant
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of compliments that Germany could get from countries that frankly, 67, 80 years ago,
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were in a, how to put it mildly, a fundamentally different position.
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That's right.
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And that's been a consistent theme of Berlin's side out.
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We want the best Germany we can get.
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And part of that involves identifying the problems.
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Problems need to be made, but also creating solutions.
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Now, Benjamin, over to you.
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It's been said that there has been a French site and vendor, the Bratislava agenda, as
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it's been laid out.
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Could you talk us through the reasons behind that, what it constitutes and also how sustainable
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it is?
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Because there have also been criticisms that it's a lot of talk, not backed up by rhetoric.
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So how do you see France's change?
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Let me pick up on one point that John Lynch has made because I think it's really critical.
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Your question is does the European site and vendor real?
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And of course, the jury is still out because it will depend on whether we win this war or
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not.
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Vladimir Putin's first hope was to take over key very quickly in a couple of weeks that
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Ukraine would fall apart and that of course allies wouldn't react.
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And what we've seen so far is that allies have stayed united, that Europeans have dramatically
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increased their defense spending in Germany and France elsewhere, sent weapons to Ukraine
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and that we're still focused and we're still, we're still discussing.
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Today, how to increase both the quantity but also the nature of our military support for
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Ukraine.
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But of course, Putin's gambit and this is why I was troubled a few months into the war
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when I started seeing France that I think we're doing this for the right reasons but
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started writing that Putin had already lost because he'd lost Ukraine strategically because
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Sweden and Finland were about to join NATO because we were united because NATO had found
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a purpose again.
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And as much as I appreciated the optimism, this is a long game.
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Unfortunately, there's no quick fix to this and the biggest test is whether we're able
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to sustain our support and sustain our own effort to arm ourselves at the same time.
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And this is where we're going to be tested.
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We'll discuss this in more detail.
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Let me talk about the French Zeit-Vendeur as I think the economist has called it.
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One thing hasn't changed is that since 2017 and I would say even before but clearly President
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Macron more than his predecessors has put that as the center of his agenda, we're pushing
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a vision that Europe could be wiped out of history, that Europe could become sort of
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a passive theater of great power rivalry with no agency over its technological, military,
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economic, energetic future and that it needs to take ownership of its own security and
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be able to, without naivety, defend its own security interests, trade interests, protect
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itself maybe from dangerous foreign investments, infrastructure and technology and so forth.
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The test for our ability to promote this agenda is our support for Ukraine and is our ability
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to integrate the security imperatives and the threats not only I would say of our partners
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like Estonia, Poland and others but also to recognize the fact that Russia is targeting
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us.
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Not only is targeting the European security architecture and it's putting this as clearly
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dismantling the security architecture is one of its key
priorities but it's targeting
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France directly.
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Constant cyber attacks against our infrastructure, hospitals, key ministries, interference in
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our democracy which started by the way, I mean at the very beginning of Macron's campaign
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in 2017, the hacking of his emails, propaganda, going after our interests in Africa with Wagner
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with propaganda operations and so recognizing that.
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You mentioned the Bratislava speech.
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I do think it was a historic speech for a couple reasons.
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I mean, of course there was the tone recognizing at the beginning of the speech that alluding
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to Jacques Chirac's famous sentence in 2003 that the new members in Central Europe had
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lost an opportunity to shut up.
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He said we wasted an opportunity to listen to you.
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Now, if you allow me to maybe take a second on this comment, it's interesting because
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when I started traveling to Warsaw for example on a regular basis, especially when I was
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working in ThinkTanks, I would hear this reference all the time, the Chirac sentence.
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And I would go back to France and tell them, you know, I mean they still care very much
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about this and people tell me, oh yeah, but Chirac was right because he was right about
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Iraq.
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And it was interesting, I said, well, but that's not the point.
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The point is you have countries that have after half a century of occupation were abandoned
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behind the iron curtain that have recovered their sovereignty, their freedom 15 years ago
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and now you're telling them to shut up.
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And the point I'm trying to make is there was for a long time in Paris a lack of sensitivity,
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historical empathy, geographical empathy towards the region.
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And I would say just lack of curiosity, not enough engagement.
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I would go to ThinkTanks events such as this one and I would very often be the only French
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person and I was invited because I was part of an American organization.
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And I think that has changed.
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Now you see all across the region, parliamentarians, diplomats, ThinkTank experts trying to engage.
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There is no agenda for European sovereignty or strictee cotonomy, however you want to
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call
it, I'm not.
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I don't have any theological opinion about the terms without pushing back against Russian
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aggression, without making the case to especially to this region, but to all of Europe that
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Europe can protect themselves against Russian aggression.
00:17:02.760 --> 00:17:05.640
That was I think the key point of the Breislaube speech.
00:17:05.640 --> 00:17:06.640
Absolutely.
00:17:06.640 --> 00:17:09.960
And just to remember that that comment came in the same year that there was a famous letter,
00:17:09.960 --> 00:17:14.440
an open letter, Germany loves open letters as we know, but this was from Jürgen Habermas
00:17:14.440 --> 00:17:19.320
and Jacques Dergidah that actually referred to a core Europe and a non-core Europe.
00:17:19.320 --> 00:17:23.160
And that comment from Chirac played into exactly the idea that there was a hierarchy within
00:17:23.160 --> 00:17:27.360
Europe despite the formal equality that we were going to see through NATO and EU membership.
00:17:27.360 --> 00:17:30.560
There were still some true Europeans and those who were lucky to be there on tolerance from
00:17:30.560 --> 00:17:31.560
the others.
00:17:31.560 --> 00:17:35.840
And addressing that grievance has been so important in actually understanding what
00:17:35.840 --> 00:17:37.720
that French site and vendor might be.
00:17:37.720 --> 00:17:41.040
And so bringing Central and Eastern Europe into that perspective, and we'll come more
00:17:41.040 --> 00:17:44.160
on to that later, but Sabina, we'd like to come over to you.
00:17:44.160 --> 00:17:49.760
Reflecting on all of this, we've heard Ben just talk about this perception of old Europe
00:17:49.760 --> 00:17:50.920
versus new Europe.
00:17:50.920 --> 00:17:58.200
That has also been a perception that Germany has in to varying degrees also had or been
00:17:58.200 --> 00:18:00.200
criticized for having.
00:18:00.200 --> 00:18:06.280
How would you assess this from a German perspective and what is the need for further change within
00:18:06.280 --> 00:18:10.280
Germany and do we need more?
00:18:10.280 --> 00:18:16.160
As much as Germany is obviously listening more to North and Central and Eastern Europe,
00:18:16.160 --> 00:18:18.840
I would also argue that there's more that could be done.
00:18:18.840 --> 00:18:19.840
What would you say to this?
00:18:19.840 --> 00:18:24.120
Yeah, I mean, I can start by saying that we definitely need more.
00:18:24.120 --> 00:18:27.840
And I've been saying that also publicly in Germany for the past two years.
00:18:27.840 --> 00:18:36.440
So I agree with the criticism of sort of the Titan vendor policy getting stuck on various
00:18:36.440 --> 00:18:38.200
issues and aspects of it.
00:18:38.200 --> 00:18:39.760
And that's a problem.
00:18:39.760 --> 00:18:45.760
Nevertheless, I would actually like to stress that there have been changes, very, very profound
00:18:45.760 --> 00:18:51.280
changes in the German perception of the whole region.
00:18:51.280 --> 00:18:52.280
Really.
00:18:52.280 --> 00:18:57.400
I mean, there is a lot of a lot more humbleness with regard to the positions.
00:18:57.400 --> 00:19:03.720
And also the warnings that were given by Poland, by the Baltic states with regard to Russia's
00:19:03.720 --> 00:19:05.960
imperialism, right?
00:19:05.960 --> 00:19:09.640
And Russia's aggressive policies.
00:19:09.640 --> 00:19:17.280
I think the German perception of not of Central Eastern Europe, so basically partners, the
00:19:17.280 --> 00:19:22.960
partners in the European Union and NATO, but indeed of Eastern Europe has changed profoundly.
00:19:22.960 --> 00:19:32.240
So I mean, and this is in a way really tragic because until February 2022, the mainstream,
00:19:32.240 --> 00:19:38.720
let's say German perspective of Eastern Europe was very, very much focused on Russia.
00:19:38.720 --> 00:19:45.200
So there was this Russia prism and the political community in Berlin looked at the other countries
00:19:45.200 --> 00:19:49.400
in the region through this prism.
00:19:49.400 --> 00:19:58.680
And it required the full scale invasion to finally, finally put Ukraine and Moldova and
00:19:58.680 --> 00:20:02.680
Georgia and the other countries on the mental map in Germany.
00:20:02.680 --> 00:20:06.160
And I think they are there to stay.
00:20:06.160 --> 00:20:12.600
But this is, of course, something that I as a German have to say that this is, it's,
00:20:12.600 --> 00:20:17.440
I mean, it started to change slowly after 2014.
00:20:17.440 --> 00:20:21.400
So there was a process before the full, the beginning of the full scale invasion, but
00:20:21.400 --> 00:20:25.120
of course it was, it was much too slow.
00:20:25.120 --> 00:20:29.880
So this is where we are with regard to the criticism.
00:20:29.880 --> 00:20:35.720
I mean, I think it's very important to have a nuanced and granulated picture of Germany's
00:20:35.720 --> 00:20:42.920
policies and the politics behind them because we are in a difficult domestic situation.
00:20:42.920 --> 00:20:52.480
I think the Titan vendor and the changes in the thinking that made the Titan vendor possible,
00:20:52.480 --> 00:20:56.120
they're there to stay with regard to the Democratic parties.
00:20:56.120 --> 00:21:01.880
And it's already said that I have to say this, the Democratic parties, because we have less
00:21:01.880 --> 00:21:12.400
Democratic parties now on the political fringes of the political spectrum.
00:21:12.400 --> 00:21:19.920
And here we have very different positions and also strategic visions with regard to
00:21:19.920 --> 00:21:23.800
Russia, Ukraine, the whole region and the war.
00:21:23.800 --> 00:21:26.480
And we have very important elections coming up.
00:21:26.480 --> 00:21:30.840
And some of the Democratic parties are under very serious pressure.
00:21:30.840 --> 00:21:38.800
So this is
a tension that will impact on Germany's policies in the coming months and years.
00:21:38.800 --> 00:21:39.800
And it worries me.
00:21:39.800 --> 00:21:45.640
I wanted to make one point in reaction to what you said, Johnson, about narratives, because
00:21:45.640 --> 00:21:48.920
I mean, I was a little bit surprised when you said that democracies are actually very
00:21:48.920 --> 00:21:56.960
good at producing narratives because my impression also with regard to my own position within
00:21:56.960 --> 00:22:03.200
the German discourse, for instance, but also when we look at the global debate specifically
00:22:03.200 --> 00:22:07.600
about the war against Ukraine, but also then Gaza, etc.
00:22:07.600 --> 00:22:10.920
is that we're really not good at narratives.
00:22:10.920 --> 00:22:16.160
And that Russia is actually, I mean, I'm not saying it's already winning the war of
00:22:16.160 --> 00:22:19.000
narratives, but we're moving in this direction.
00:22:19.000 --> 00:22:26.440
And this is, I think, a really, it's a really great danger for Ukraine.
00:22:26.440 --> 00:22:30.440
It's very existential, but also for our democracies.
00:22:30.440 --> 00:22:36.960
Look, I guess I have to then jump back in and say that I don't necessarily disagree with
00:22:36.960 --> 00:22:37.960
you.
00:22:37.960 --> 00:22:42.440
The point I was trying to make is that democratic governments are in power because they have
00:22:42.440 --> 00:22:46.080
been able to explain to their people what they're trying to do, create some sort of a
00:22:46.080 --> 00:22:47.080
narrative.
00:22:47.080 --> 00:22:51.400
And it's tested every few years, whether they can explain it away, whether they cannot.
00:22:51.400 --> 00:22:55.880
There isn't much else that keeps a democratic government in power, but their ability to
00:22:55.880 --> 00:22:58.600
create a narrative.
00:22:58.600 --> 00:23:03.440
This is not necessarily the case in foreign policy.
00:23:03.440 --> 00:23:06.240
But there the limitation isn't our ability.
00:23:06.240 --> 00:23:08.400
It's our willingness.
00:23:08.400 --> 00:23:12.280
And that's the reason why we should be concerned.
00:23:12.280 --> 00:23:16.240
When we don't make sense, and I'm talking about we are not Estonian, or German, or any
00:23:16.240 --> 00:23:19.240
particular country, this is a hypothetical.
00:23:19.240 --> 00:23:25.520
If we don't make, if our narrative doesn't make sense in the wider world, if we're using
00:23:25.520 --> 00:23:33.560
talking points that clearly are superficial or hollow, then the limitation usually is not
00:23:33.560 --> 00:23:35.080
our ability.
00:23:35.080 --> 00:23:36.680
It's something else.
00:23:36.680 --> 00:23:41.560
And that we should openly call out, talk about.
00:23:41.560 --> 00:23:46.400
Perhaps not openly, openly in the general public because everybody's domestic political
00:23:46.400 --> 00:23:48.720
situation is difficult.
00:23:48.720 --> 00:23:51.960
Every few years our American friends come here and tell us about how difficult it is
00:23:51.960 --> 00:23:58.880
and how the voter in Wisconsin doesn't necessarily vote because of his or her foreign policy
00:23:58.880 --> 00:24:02.920
possessions and doesn't necessarily understand why the transatlantic relationship is of importance
00:24:02.920 --> 00:24:07.400
and how we need to all take this into consideration, to which I always like to reply, well, listen
00:24:07.400 --> 00:24:13.160
to the voter in Hamburg doesn't necessarily care about these things either.
00:24:13.160 --> 00:24:16.880
And because I can't speak on behalf of Germany, let me then speak on behalf of Estonia.
00:24:16.880 --> 00:24:22.840
Well, the voter in Tartuma doesn't necessarily vote because of his or her foreign policy
00:24:22.840 --> 00:24:25.840
ideals either.
00:24:25.840 --> 00:24:29.800
So sometimes we need to have those open discussions behind closed doors.
00:24:29.800 --> 00:24:33.920
And that's not actually impossible to do.
00:24:33.920 --> 00:24:40.480
When we don't have those discussions, then whether we want it or not ends up undermining
00:24:40.480 --> 00:24:42.240
trust.
00:24:42.240 --> 00:24:43.840
And that's dangerous.
00:24:43.840 --> 00:24:44.840
Right.
00:24:44.840 --> 00:24:46.600
And this is something we've seen.
00:24:46.600 --> 00:24:49.720
And this is often said that Germany's current problem is a communication problem.
00:24:49.720 --> 00:24:51.520
I think it's not only a communication problem.
00:24:51.520 --> 00:24:52.680
There's a substance issue as well.
00:24:52.680 --> 00:24:57.320
But there is also a communication problem here that the Schultz administration in particular
00:24:57.320 --> 00:25:02.080
has not been willing to outline the kind of clarity of vision that we've heard from all
00:25:02.080 --> 00:25:05.400
of you today that actually victory is what is needed.
00:25:05.400 --> 00:25:08.680
And Jonathan, you mentioned before we're very good at dressing up defeat in other language.
00:25:08.680 --> 00:25:13.600
And I think we're pre-dressing it here in terms of restraint, prudence, Bisonenheit,
00:25:13.600 --> 00:25:17.000
these watchwords for the German government at the moment, which don't understand that
00:25:17.000 --> 00:25:19.120
actually we need to be going for that victory.
00:25:19.120 --> 00:25:26.760
Well, the logical question comes to anyone's mind when the person listens to a government's
00:25:26.760 --> 00:25:29.520
tiptoeing around the definition of victory.
00:25:29.520 --> 00:25:36.080
The logical question is whether or not the tiptoeing is that particular government attempting
00:25:36.080 --> 00:25:40.160
to keep the back door open.
00:25:40.160 --> 00:25:45.160
It's not really wise communicative policy because you can't hide it indefinitely.
00:25:45.160 --> 00:25:49.240
I mean, sooner or later it comes an infection point when you have to take a stand, go left
00:25:49.240
--> 00:25:51.520
or go right.
00:25:51.520 --> 00:26:01.880
But our inability to use clear language is not driven by our limitations when it comes
00:26:01.880 --> 00:26:03.400
to articulation as such.
00:26:03.400 --> 00:26:05.520
It's driven by something else.
00:26:05.520 --> 00:26:08.080
And smart people know this.
00:26:08.080 --> 00:26:10.520
And the people in the Kremlin are smart.
00:26:10.520 --> 00:26:15.800
So I'm not worried necessarily what this does to the cohesion of the West or of Europe.
00:26:15.800 --> 00:26:18.560
It does undermine trust because it raises those questions.
00:26:18.560 --> 00:26:21.680
And you ask those questions and sometimes those questions end up being insulting because
00:26:21.680 --> 00:26:24.800
they're maybe not, maybe that's not the case.
00:26:24.800 --> 00:26:26.320
Maybe it's something domestic political.
00:26:26.320 --> 00:26:27.320
Who knows?
00:26:27.320 --> 00:26:35.240
The main worry is that in addition to fully being on board with what President Macron suggested,
00:26:35.240 --> 00:26:40.720
which is strategic ambiguity with regard to certain issues, there should be some areas
00:26:40.720 --> 00:26:43.920
where we should have strategic clarity.
00:26:43.920 --> 00:26:45.960
And we seem to be lacking that.
00:26:45.960 --> 00:26:53.200
And that's a problem because it communicates to the Russians that Putin's only remaining
00:26:53.200 --> 00:26:57.360
argument in his theory of victory, which is that time is on his side.
00:26:57.360 --> 00:26:59.560
And by the way, this is a very short-term proposition.
00:26:59.560 --> 00:27:03.320
It's not like some other, you know, the Chinese think in centuries.
00:27:03.320 --> 00:27:07.240
This Putin argument, they count in weeks and months.
00:27:07.240 --> 00:27:08.240
Time is on my side.
00:27:08.240 --> 00:27:09.240
Everything else is lost.
00:27:09.240 --> 00:27:11.200
He clearly isn't making Russia great again.
00:27:11.200 --> 00:27:15.840
He clearly isn't unifying the Russian world.
00:27:15.840 --> 00:27:18.480
His troops clearly weren't welcomed with flowers.
00:27:18.480 --> 00:27:21.360
But time is on his side.
00:27:21.360 --> 00:27:34.080
And we communicate in ways that hints at us keeping the door open to some sort of a walkout.
00:27:34.080 --> 00:27:38.680
Then unfortunately, that reinforces Putin arguments in the discussions that really matter.
00:27:38.680 --> 00:27:43.000
And those discussions take place somewhere in the suburbs of Moscow, where people get
00:27:43.000 --> 00:27:49.720
together amongst close friends, the people who keep Putin and his policies around.
00:27:49.720 --> 00:27:54.240
We shouldn't be communicating strategic ambiguity in all areas of our policy.
00:27:54.240 --> 00:27:55.240
No, 100 percent.
00:27:55.240 --> 00:27:58.400
There should be clarity of vision backed up with ambiguity about how we're going to achieve
00:27:58.400 --> 00:27:59.760
it to keep them on the back foot.
00:27:59.760 --> 00:28:00.760
That's clear.
00:28:00.760 --> 00:28:02.520
You mentioned before you can't speak for the voter in Hamburg.
00:28:02.520 --> 00:28:06.240
Well, thankfully we can, slightly after these focus groups that we've just commissioned.
00:28:06.240 --> 00:28:10.120
And for voters in Magdeburg and elsewhere around Germany, where we conducted a series
00:28:10.120 --> 00:28:11.240
of these focus groups.
00:28:11.240 --> 00:28:15.200
And one of the clear things that came out of that is a lack of understanding about this
00:28:15.200 --> 00:28:17.160
clarity of vision and clarity of message.
00:28:17.160 --> 00:28:20.960
And a feeling that comes from it that voters are not being well represented and they're
00:28:20.960 --> 00:28:24.600
not being well managed and governed, actually, that there is a lack of leadership and a lack
00:28:24.600 --> 00:28:28.960
of ability to rise to the challenges, which they very clearly care about.
00:28:28.960 --> 00:28:31.840
And this was clearly geopolitical and geo economic challenges.
00:28:31.840 --> 00:28:35.360
People do feel impact their lives, but they don't feel they're being served a political
00:28:35.360 --> 00:28:37.720
offer that actually credibly manages that.
00:28:37.720 --> 00:28:41.520
And so the encouraging part of this, of course, is the scope for political actors who want
00:28:41.520 --> 00:28:45.760
to move into that space and who could actually communicate and come up with a credible vision.
00:28:45.760 --> 00:28:46.760
Donut and I'm struck.
00:28:46.760 --> 00:28:52.200
You said sort of defeats are hard to kind of understand because we can explain it away
00:28:52.200 --> 00:28:53.200
over time.
00:28:53.200 --> 00:28:56.800
And then it's difficult for us to figure out exactly when it happened.
00:28:56.800 --> 00:28:59.760
You also said that victory is easy to commemorate.
00:28:59.760 --> 00:29:03.960
But I would also say that victory seems to be, at least in this case, hard to define
00:29:03.960 --> 00:29:08.960
or that we, you know, are having all kinds of disagreements about precisely how we define
00:29:08.960 --> 00:29:11.040
victory, particularly in Ukraine.
00:29:11.040 --> 00:29:15.720
So that's why I want to come to you, Benjamin, on this because of a panel that you were on
00:29:15.720 --> 00:29:18.640
here at Leonard Mary.
00:29:18.640 --> 00:29:22.680
We talked in our pillars of victory episode on Berlin's side out about what Ukrainian
00:29:22.680 --> 00:29:24.440
victory means and how you achieve it.
00:29:24.440 --> 00:29:29.520
You said that integrating Ukraine into NATO should be considered a key part of the definition
00:29:29.520 --> 00:29:30.920
of Ukrainian victory.
00:29:30.920 --> 00:29:36.520
And yet we're not expecting an invite to Ukraine at the upcoming Washington summit.
00:29:36.520 --> 00:29:42.080
So why does it seem to be so hard to really figure out, you know, this diplomatic part
00:29:42.080 -->
00:29:44.600
of Ukrainian victory between allies?
00:29:44.600 --> 00:29:49.120
Is there some nervousness about what kind of reordering effects a victory in Ukraine
00:29:49.120 --> 00:29:50.120
might have?
00:29:50.120 --> 00:29:54.440
It's clear to me that the definition of victory can not only be territorial.
00:29:54.440 --> 00:29:59.720
Putin has not lost hundreds of thousands of people just to gain control of a few towns
00:29:59.720 --> 00:30:01.240
in Donbass.
00:30:01.240 --> 00:30:05.880
This is about first dismantling the European security architecture.
00:30:05.880 --> 00:30:11.920
And it's about wiping out Ukraine as a sovereign nation as in its ability to choose freely
00:30:11.920 --> 00:30:16.120
and democratically its future and its Western orientation.
00:30:16.120 --> 00:30:21.640
This started, we all know it in 2014 in Maidan, the day that European kids were getting shot
00:30:21.640 --> 00:30:27.080
at for the European flag because they saw it as the inspiration for a better future.
00:30:27.080 --> 00:30:36.120
And this is what Putin saw as a threat, a counter-democratic model at his borders.
00:30:36.120 --> 00:30:37.440
And we couldn't see this.
00:30:37.440 --> 00:30:38.920
We didn't support it in 2014.
00:30:38.920 --> 00:30:43.320
I think we rose to a certain extent to the event in 2022.
00:30:43.320 --> 00:30:45.880
So of course, this is part of this.
00:30:45.880 --> 00:30:51.760
And it's the only way to ensure also the long-term stability and deterrence in the region.
00:30:51.760 --> 00:30:56.080
We made a mistake when we closed the door to Georgia and Ukraine in 2008, thinking that
00:30:56.080 --> 00:31:02.680
sending them an invitation to NATO would provoke Russia when it was exactly the other way around.
00:31:02.680 --> 00:31:06.480
It provoked the aggression and it invited Russia to attack to see that they were not
00:31:06.480 --> 00:31:07.480
being defended.
00:31:07.480 --> 00:31:09.760
Now, there's no agreement today.
00:31:09.760 --> 00:31:13.120
This is something, by the way, that if we're talking about the French site and vendor that
00:31:13.120 --> 00:31:14.680
French-Khalili changed position on.
00:31:14.680 --> 00:31:19.640
It was with Germany in 2008 and Bucharest closing the door to Ukraine.
00:31:19.640 --> 00:31:24.760
And there's a sense in Paris that not only is it what Ukrainians are fighting for, but
00:31:24.760 --> 00:31:28.640
this is also, if you look at the other options, people talk the Israeli option.
00:31:28.640 --> 00:31:29.640
Israel has nuclear weapons.
00:31:29.640 --> 00:31:36.960
If you talk about the South Korean option, there's close to 100,000 American troops there.
00:31:36.960 --> 00:31:41.320
The only way to ensure long-term stability and deterrence is to have robust security
00:31:41.320 --> 00:31:42.920
guarantees that pass through NATO.
00:31:42.920 --> 00:31:48.200
Now, I think today the United States and Germany considered that this would send the wrong
00:31:48.200 --> 00:31:49.520
message during the war.
00:31:49.520 --> 00:31:53.440
And of course, it's not about having Ukraine join NATO during the war, but at least send
00:31:53.440 --> 00:31:54.840
an invitation for after.
00:31:54.840 --> 00:31:59.200
Clear signal once again, as Jonathan said, to Putin that we're in the long run, that
00:31:59.200 --> 00:32:02.840
time is not playing in his favor.
00:32:02.840 --> 00:32:05.040
But there's still the debate about this.
00:32:05.040 --> 00:32:10.680
And I wish we'd go further and maybe just a point on Germany because I really don't want
00:32:10.680 --> 00:32:13.160
to underestimate what's going on in Germany.
00:32:13.160 --> 00:32:17.000
I mean, if you look at the dramatic increase in defense spending, if you look at what Germany
00:32:17.000 --> 00:32:23.600
is doing in terms of weapons delivery for Ukraine, even the change in intellectual
00:32:23.600 --> 00:32:28.280
software that I see from the German intellectual and political elite, I don't think it should
00:32:28.280 --> 00:32:31.040
be underestimated.
00:32:31.040 --> 00:32:35.000
If you're an external actor, France is a very presidential system where the president pushes
00:32:35.000 --> 00:32:37.040
a button and the whole system follows.
00:32:37.040 --> 00:32:41.040
And of course, we see Germany and you have the chance, it tells you, well, I have a different
00:32:41.040 --> 00:32:43.800
coalition parties and then there's the Bundestag and there's the Lander.
00:32:43.800 --> 00:32:45.920
So it's a very different system.
00:32:45.920 --> 00:32:52.800
The one thing on which I think it's still frustrating for us is I find that Germany
00:32:52.800 --> 00:32:58.840
has a much harder time overcoming certain taboos without the United States.
00:32:58.840 --> 00:33:04.840
We went to long range missiles with the Brits without getting permission from whoever.
00:33:04.840 --> 00:33:07.020
Same thing for the tanks.
00:33:07.020 --> 00:33:12.440
We had a debate on Ukraine's NATO and the president said we need to support Ukraine's
00:33:12.440 --> 00:33:14.240
accession into NATO.
00:33:14.240 --> 00:33:17.120
And I think these are still things for the Germans.
00:33:17.120 --> 00:33:20.000
It's complicated to go there without the United States.
00:33:20.000 --> 00:33:23.840
Just to back up to the Bratislava speech just a second ago and the Ukraine's NATO membership
00:33:23.840 --> 00:33:27.760
and its support from France, this was a key signal in terms of actually giving credibility
00:33:27.760 --> 00:33:28.760
to that shift.
00:33:28.760 --> 00:33:32.800
And this is what I actually asked President Macron to do at Globpsack last year to say,
00:33:32.800 --> 00:33:36.400
look, it's all very well and good saying we're now listening to Central East Europe.
00:33:36.400 --> 00:33:38.440
You're going to need some concrete steps to back that up.
00:33:38.440 --> 00:33:43.080
So how about
actually supporting Ukraine's NATO membership as one and credit to him?
00:33:43.080 --> 00:33:44.480
Actually he then went and did that.
00:33:44.480 --> 00:33:47.120
And it was great to see that brought a lot of credibility, but you're right.
00:33:47.120 --> 00:33:50.800
That's not aligned yet with the German position, nor with the US position.
00:33:50.800 --> 00:33:54.480
Although to make it clear and Sabina will come to you on this in just a moment, what's
00:33:54.480 --> 00:33:59.040
good for the US is not necessarily good for Germany because we are much more drastically
00:33:59.040 --> 00:34:03.240
and directly exposed to the threats that would come from not getting Ukraine right
00:34:03.240 --> 00:34:04.880
than the Americans are.
00:34:04.880 --> 00:34:06.920
So what's what's holding Germany back on this?
00:34:06.920 --> 00:34:11.560
I think what you just described, Benjamin, is it's really a difference in strategic
00:34:11.560 --> 00:34:14.240
culture between France and Germany.
00:34:14.240 --> 00:34:18.600
And it also has a lot to do with Germany's post-war history.
00:34:18.600 --> 00:34:24.320
So this is really about political traditions and it's very difficult to leave them behind.
00:34:24.320 --> 00:34:31.160
I mean, and the whole discussion about strategic autonomy and Germany's hesitations with regard
00:34:31.160 --> 00:34:37.000
to strategic autonomy, because there is such a strong focus on transatlantic relations.
00:34:37.000 --> 00:34:40.320
That is one of the big differences between between Germany and France.
00:34:40.320 --> 00:34:47.920
And I mean, I think we all know that the Franco German tandem, I mean, there have been some
00:34:47.920 --> 00:34:53.160
bumps in the road, including because of this over the past few years.
00:34:53.160 --> 00:34:58.240
I don't see this changing fundamentally.
00:34:58.240 --> 00:35:04.960
I mean, the German attitude or the attitude of the German government with this government.
00:35:04.960 --> 00:35:10.400
There is a lot of concern and also fear with regard to the upcoming presidential election
00:35:10.400 --> 00:35:14.280
in the US.
00:35:14.280 --> 00:35:20.720
I don't really see a plan B in Berlin right now, which may have to do with the fact that
00:35:20.720 --> 00:35:25.000
and this brings us back a little bit to what we discussed at the beginning with the fact
00:35:25.000 --> 00:35:31.720
that even though there have been profound changes in political thinking about Russia,
00:35:31.720 --> 00:35:36.440
about the region, about European security in more general terms, the political approach
00:35:36.440 --> 00:35:42.360
and I appreciate all the good words you said about what has been done in fact, because I
00:35:42.360 --> 00:35:46.920
agree, you know, defense spending, it's it's it is really unprecedented.
00:35:46.920 --> 00:35:51.200
So German policymakers are right when they point out that what has been done since February
00:35:51.200 --> 00:35:58.920
2022 was absolutely unthinkable, really literally until the 23rd of February 2022.
00:35:58.920 --> 00:36:02.400
So this is true.
00:36:02.400 --> 00:36:10.200
But still, when it comes to the implementation of Titan vendor, the approach is, let's say,
00:36:10.200 --> 00:36:17.160
it's technocratic, it's also bureaucratic, and it is less strategic than it should be.
00:36:17.160 --> 00:36:21.600
I wanted to say one tiny thing about communication.
00:36:21.600 --> 00:36:26.240
Just wanted to point out that I don't think the whole government has a communication problem.
00:36:26.240 --> 00:36:32.840
I mean, there are people in the government who have a very clear language about about
00:36:32.840 --> 00:36:33.840
the war.
00:36:33.840 --> 00:36:36.840
For example, for example, is widely celebrated for his police, for his police, for his police
00:36:36.840 --> 00:36:37.840
story, the Minister of Defense.
00:36:37.840 --> 00:36:41.160
I mean, we have a and he's a social democrat.
00:36:41.160 --> 00:36:49.760
And he's very outspoken, both about the, well, the outcome of the war that that would be
00:36:49.760 --> 00:36:54.040
in Germany's interest, but also about German security policy itself.
00:36:54.040 --> 00:36:58.600
You know, I mean, he's the one who through the term Kriegsdurchdigkeit, how would you
00:36:58.600 --> 00:37:02.240
translate that war readiness war readiness into the German debate.
00:37:02.240 --> 00:37:04.640
See listeners, my German's improving.
00:37:04.640 --> 00:37:05.640
Congratulations.
00:37:05.640 --> 00:37:07.640
I'm very happy to hear it.
00:37:07.640 --> 00:37:14.680
So yeah, so it's, it really has to do with this government.
00:37:14.680 --> 00:37:18.600
It's a very, it's a difficult constellation, you know, with these three parties who do
00:37:18.600 --> 00:37:23.680
not necessarily see eye to eye, but with Boris Pistorius taking his position, you also see
00:37:23.680 --> 00:37:27.080
that there is an internal debate in the social democratic party.
00:37:27.080 --> 00:37:28.080
You do.
00:37:28.080 --> 00:37:31.480
And also Pistorius is reward for that clear communication has been to be consistently
00:37:31.480 --> 00:37:33.520
rated the most popular politician in Germany.
00:37:33.520 --> 00:37:36.800
So again, there would be a lesson here if we were willing to learn it.
00:37:36.800 --> 00:37:41.920
What we also have to be aware of is that there are, I think there are different necessities
00:37:41.920 --> 00:37:46.240
when it comes to talking about the war in different European societies.
00:37:46.240 --> 00:37:49.680
I mean, I think it was the Estonian defense minister who said yesterday, we should not
00:37:49.680 --> 00:37:55.800
talk about a potential Ukrainian defeat because this is basically, it's just depressing and
00:37:55.800 --> 00:37:56.800
it's discouraging.
00:37:56.800 --> 00:38:00.760
We, we are discouraging the Ukrainians and ourselves.
00:38:00.760 --> 00:38:03.560
I think in Germany, it's exactly the other way around.
00:38:03.560 --> 00:38:11.080
I think in Germany, we have to talk about the potential knock on effects of a Ukrainian
00:38:11.080 --> 00:38:16.840
defeat in order to make it clear to people what, what, what the stakes are really, because
00:38:16.840 --> 00:38:18.920
I think many people still don't understand that.
00:38:18.920 --> 00:38:19.920
That's right.
00:38:19.920 --> 00:38:22.160
And that's what we've been trying to do also with some of our publications with some of
00:38:22.160 --> 00:38:25.240
the clear language that's been coming out of the action group, Titan vendor and it to
00:38:25.240 --> 00:38:29.320
be fair, some German politicians have communicated this very clearly, Roger Kiesewetter, Norbert
00:38:29.320 --> 00:38:32.920
Rutgen, also a lot of the greens and some from the FTP too.
00:38:32.920 --> 00:38:36.200
But Jonathan, I want to come to you on this because you, in your TED talk and also what
00:38:36.200 --> 00:38:39.800
you mentioned earlier, the only metric that matters is winning.
00:38:39.800 --> 00:38:43.160
And while we might give credit to Germany for what's been done, pointing to what we've
00:38:43.160 --> 00:38:45.960
done doesn't really get us to what we need to do.
00:38:45.960 --> 00:38:46.960
Absolutely.
00:38:46.960 --> 00:38:51.360
And before going into that question, I just want to aggressively agree.
00:38:51.360 --> 00:38:54.560
We have to make it absolutely clear what the stakes are.
00:38:54.560 --> 00:39:01.920
For human beings in democracies, we're not going to take the hard steps unless we understand
00:39:01.920 --> 00:39:06.560
that the alternative to those steps is even worse.
00:39:06.560 --> 00:39:08.800
That's the only thing that can make us move.
00:39:08.800 --> 00:39:12.480
So why not talk openly about the stakes?
00:39:12.480 --> 00:39:15.480
Let's not be afraid of the truth.
00:39:15.480 --> 00:39:19.480
And the only metric that matters indeed is whether or not we win.
00:39:19.480 --> 00:39:20.960
The outcome is what matters.
00:39:20.960 --> 00:39:23.000
Can I link those two things just very briefly?
00:39:23.000 --> 00:39:26.760
Because this also came up on a discussion with Tim Snyder and Elliot Cohen and Marcus
00:39:26.760 --> 00:39:27.760
Tarkner yesterday.
00:39:27.760 --> 00:39:30.360
The slogan of this conference, "Let us not despair but act."
00:39:30.360 --> 00:39:33.400
Indeed, let us not despair, but we have to be absolutely clear-eyed about the threats
00:39:33.400 --> 00:39:34.400
that we face.
00:39:34.400 --> 00:39:37.320
It's what we're going to do with them that actually matters, that changes the difference
00:39:37.320 --> 00:39:40.520
from fear as paralysis into fear as driver for credible action.
00:39:40.520 --> 00:39:42.960
So we have to know what the stakes are.
00:39:42.960 --> 00:39:45.800
We have to know what our goals are.
00:39:45.800 --> 00:39:48.480
And then we have to focus on those goals.
00:39:48.480 --> 00:39:52.360
And then the debate could revolve around the issues of what is to be done.
00:39:52.360 --> 00:39:55.120
And there are obviously dilemmas involved.
00:39:55.120 --> 00:40:01.400
I'm not going to argue that some of the concerns that some nations have are somehow lacking
00:40:01.400 --> 00:40:04.120
in legitimacy.
00:40:04.120 --> 00:40:05.880
But let's have those debates then.
00:40:05.880 --> 00:40:10.560
But when it comes to the stakes, when it comes to our shared goals, without those, we can't
00:40:10.560 --> 00:40:13.760
really expect to pull this off.
00:40:13.760 --> 00:40:22.440
I sometimes listen to our European and Western leaders get agitated on the point that, "Look,
00:40:22.440 --> 00:40:24.960
but we've done so much."
00:40:24.960 --> 00:40:31.240
And agitated at, for instance, the Ukrainians when they're critical still, because obviously
00:40:31.240 --> 00:40:36.200
we've done a lot and we've made major changes and Germany has done so and France has done
00:40:36.200 --> 00:40:39.640
so, frankly, Estonia has done so.
00:40:39.640 --> 00:40:42.640
And it hasn't been easy, obviously.
00:40:42.640 --> 00:40:44.640
But look at the wider picture.
00:40:44.640 --> 00:40:47.120
We have a house that's on fire.
00:40:47.120 --> 00:40:52.780
An active arsonist is not only pouring gasoline but sending fire to additional rooms.
00:40:52.780 --> 00:40:54.680
People are dying in the house.
00:40:54.680 --> 00:40:57.880
And now we've showed up with the fire trucks.
00:40:57.880 --> 00:40:59.920
Some arrived an hour late.
00:40:59.920 --> 00:41:02.600
Some arrived a year late.
00:41:02.600 --> 00:41:05.640
Some of the water misses the target.
00:41:05.640 --> 00:41:07.120
Some of it is useful.
00:41:07.120 --> 00:41:09.120
But the house is still on fire.
00:41:09.120 --> 00:41:15.480
And now the fire brigades around the building are telling the families in the house that,
00:41:15.480 --> 00:41:17.400
"Look, don't be critical of us.
00:41:17.400 --> 00:41:18.680
We showed up.
00:41:18.680 --> 00:41:20.880
They want to survive this."
00:41:20.880 --> 00:41:29.720
And for as long as the war is ongoing, we haven't really achieved what we're supposed to achieve.
00:41:29.720 --> 00:41:38.160
So all of this talk on how well we've done, I fully agree with Ben, we shouldn't be congratulating
00:41:38.160 --> 00:41:42.680
ourselves for a victory that we have yet to achieve.
00:41:42.680 --> 00:41:47.000
All of this is nothing but waste of time.
00:41:47.000 --> 00:41:48.000
We need to focus.
00:41:48.000 --> 00:41:54.920
And the same, by the way, applies to the question of, are we Estonians happy now that the others
00:41:54.920 --> 00:41:57.840
have recognized that we will write five years ago?
00:41:57.840 --> 00:41:59.440
We don't care.
00:41:59.440 --> 00:42:00.440
We don't care.
00:42:00.440 --> 00:42:02.960
We'll deal with
this in the future.
00:42:02.960 --> 00:42:04.120
We'll have a seminar.
00:42:04.120 --> 00:42:05.920
We'll get historians together.
00:42:05.920 --> 00:42:07.360
It's going to be fun.
00:42:07.360 --> 00:42:08.960
We'll share war stories.
00:42:08.960 --> 00:42:13.160
Today, the focus should be on the future and only on the future.
00:42:13.160 --> 00:42:18.160
Sabina, I'm struck actually by something you said, which relates exactly to what Jonathan
00:42:18.160 --> 00:42:19.160
just said.
00:42:19.160 --> 00:42:24.360
We have a division between those who think that the consequences of a Ukrainian defeat
00:42:24.360 --> 00:42:28.520
can be contained and those who don't think that it could be contained.
00:42:28.520 --> 00:42:32.240
So the house on fire analogy here is very, very apt.
00:42:32.240 --> 00:42:34.760
It got me to what you said yesterday.
00:42:34.760 --> 00:42:37.040
Who are those?
00:42:37.040 --> 00:42:39.960
Is that fair?
00:42:39.960 --> 00:42:47.200
And also, that really seems to fly into, we remember a Rolf Mutsenich in Germany saying
00:42:47.200 --> 00:42:51.360
that we should freeze the conflict, for example, this idea that you could contain this.
00:42:51.360 --> 00:42:55.800
Now, that seems to fly in the face of what we hear from our Nordic and Baltic friends
00:42:55.800 --> 00:42:59.640
who say that their expectations, despite all of this talk in Germany, are still really
00:42:59.640 --> 00:43:00.640
high.
00:43:00.640 --> 00:43:03.280
And it also contradicts what's been said in Paris very clearly too.
00:43:03.280 --> 00:43:07.640
It rather puts Germany and those others who don't see the potential spillover out on a
00:43:07.640 --> 00:43:08.640
limb, doesn't it?
00:43:08.640 --> 00:43:11.880
Well, I was very unhappy with this statement by Rolf Mutsenich.
00:43:11.880 --> 00:43:16.000
I mean, I hated the term frozen conflict before February 2022.
00:43:16.000 --> 00:43:17.840
I hate it even more now.
00:43:17.840 --> 00:43:21.920
And I've been fighting against it for the past, I don't know, 10, 15 years because I've
00:43:21.920 --> 00:43:26.920
done a lot of work on unresolved conflicts in the EU's Eastern neighborhood.
00:43:26.920 --> 00:43:30.560
And I think it's just totally, completely inappropriate as a term.
00:43:30.560 --> 00:43:37.960
So I was very unhappy also because I think the whole idea of, I mean, I think it's just
00:43:37.960 --> 00:43:40.960
completely impossible to freeze this war.
00:43:40.960 --> 00:43:42.480
It's not possible.
00:43:42.480 --> 00:43:47.240
And especially not in the current situation and along the current front line.
00:43:47.240 --> 00:43:52.400
So also strategically and tactically, it's just very stupid.
00:43:52.400 --> 00:44:03.560
On the questioning of whether or not the war and its implications are containable, I think
00:44:03.560 --> 00:44:08.920
you find people who think they are containable.
00:44:08.920 --> 00:44:14.000
It is containable not only in Germany in different parties, but you also find them in the United
00:44:14.000 --> 00:44:15.960
States for instance.
00:44:15.960 --> 00:44:27.360
So the difference is between those who think that the effects of a Russian victory on
00:44:27.360 --> 00:44:36.720
Europe and also the global order would be so comprehensive, negative that basically it
00:44:36.720 --> 00:44:39.680
would put the rules based international order at risk.
00:44:39.680 --> 00:44:45.520
And then there are those who believe that it is possible actually to contain the effects
00:44:45.520 --> 00:44:50.040
so that they don't destabilize the European and the rules based international order.
00:44:50.040 --> 00:44:56.600
So it is important to not to become too involved in Europe to contain the war and the conflict
00:44:56.600 --> 00:45:02.280
to Ukraine in order to be able to invest more capacities in Asia.
00:45:02.280 --> 00:45:08.120
So these are two very different strategic outlooks, but you have these positions in both political
00:45:08.120 --> 00:45:09.120
communities.
00:45:09.120 --> 00:45:14.080
And you could also add that of course the Russia's war against Ukraine and its outcome
00:45:14.080 --> 00:45:18.480
are part of the systemic rivalry and China is watching this very closely.
00:45:18.480 --> 00:45:23.440
I want to speak about the idea that it's possible to contain the war with regard to
00:45:23.440 --> 00:45:25.320
Germany and the US.
00:45:25.320 --> 00:45:30.200
And I mean you find people in Germany and the US who think that but for different reasons.
00:45:30.200 --> 00:45:36.240
So I think in Germany the idea speaks to a longing for peace in significant segments
00:45:36.240 --> 00:45:37.480
of German society.
00:45:37.480 --> 00:45:40.400
And there's really been a change in language on this in Paris.
00:45:40.400 --> 00:45:45.160
And quite clearly I mean President Macron's rhetorical move to first of all say Russia's
00:45:45.160 --> 00:45:50.000
defeat is necessary as well as Ukraine's victory to not rule out putting ground troops into
00:45:50.000 --> 00:45:54.720
Ukraine actually to get this strategic ambiguity in service that has shown that that's been
00:45:54.720 --> 00:45:56.560
a switch that's been made in Paris.
00:45:56.560 --> 00:45:58.560
But how credible is that beyond the rhetoric?
00:45:58.560 --> 00:45:59.560
I think it's very credible.
00:45:59.560 --> 00:46:05.200
I mean there's a sense that first Russia's victory would be a catastrophic defeat for
00:46:05.200 --> 00:46:06.200
Europe.
00:46:06.200 --> 00:46:09.800
I mean that it's all the US existence that's at stake that we would have a Russia that would
00:46:09.800 --> 00:46:14.360
be at the border of the Baltic states, Romania, Poland and more aggressive than ever.
00:46:14.360 --> 00:46:18.240
And especially in the context of the questions arising from the United States with the election
00:46:18.240 --> 00:46:22.600
and with
the question on the US security guarantees down the road.
00:46:22.600 --> 00:46:28.200
And on the strategic ambiguity I mean there's a sense that we've been self-censuring negotiating
00:46:28.200 --> 00:46:32.460
with ourselves for the last two years constantly signaling to the adversary our own limits and
00:46:32.460 --> 00:46:36.960
red lines where we have an adversary Russia that has put no such red line either on its
00:46:36.960 --> 00:46:38.960
rhetoric or on its action.
00:46:38.960 --> 00:46:43.800
And so you have to turn it around and maybe give him something to think about.
00:46:43.800 --> 00:46:50.480
Now when it comes to being backed by substance I mean look if you look at the last ranking
00:46:50.480 --> 00:46:54.560
the kill ranking that takes into account support for multilateral institution like the European
00:46:54.560 --> 00:46:58.760
Peace Facility and everything that other countries used to refinance their support for Ukraine.
00:46:58.760 --> 00:47:02.480
France has ranked third behind the United States and Germany.
00:47:02.480 --> 00:47:09.840
Now of course if you take per GDP or you know countries like Estonia or way above us if
00:47:09.840 --> 00:47:14.680
the question is and by the way and these rankings don't take into account the quality
00:47:14.680 --> 00:47:18.240
of the weapons like a Caesar cannon is not very expensive will be very effective on the
00:47:18.240 --> 00:47:19.240
ground.
00:47:19.240 --> 00:47:22.560
If the question is should we do more I think we should all do more.
00:47:22.560 --> 00:47:26.120
We should all do more in quantity we should be very creative about how we find resources
00:47:26.120 --> 00:47:28.120
also to sustain our support.
00:47:28.120 --> 00:47:31.280
I'm very supportive of the Estonian idea that pushed forward by...
00:47:31.650 --> 00:47:36.210
Prime Minister Kai has to have a defense Euro bonds, 100 billion on the table.
00:47:36.210 --> 00:47:40.690
We consider that COVID was an existential crisis and we created common debt.
00:47:40.690 --> 00:47:43.730
Well, I do think that's existential as well. So let's create common debt.
00:47:43.730 --> 00:47:48.290
I introduced a resolution in the French parliament to confiscate Russian frozen assets,
00:47:48.290 --> 00:47:51.730
not only the windfall profits, but I think we have to build the legal framework
00:47:51.730 --> 00:47:57.490
to go after the capital. The aggressor should pay for the reparation and the support for Ukraine.
00:47:57.490 --> 00:48:03.730
So let's think about, once again, there's no quick fix to this. We're in the long haul.
00:48:03.730 --> 00:48:06.370
So let's think about how we can sustain our support in the long haul.
00:48:06.370 --> 00:48:09.490
Right. And it's understanding what those different pillars of victory actually are,
00:48:09.490 --> 00:48:12.530
the financial and economic, as well as the military, and putting it together with the
00:48:12.530 --> 00:48:16.610
diplomatic that gives us the strategic position and street it means to actually go forward,
00:48:16.610 --> 00:48:20.450
which is what we covered on our Pillars of Victory multiple episode with some wonderful
00:48:20.450 --> 00:48:24.290
guests that you can listen into. There's another link to that in the show notes, of course.
00:48:24.290 --> 00:48:28.370
But I want to come to this point on coherence more widely because Sabina, you mentioned before
00:48:28.370 --> 00:48:34.770
that Berlin is in lockstep with Washington on its position for Ukraine. But we can all see
00:48:34.770 --> 00:48:39.810
Berlin is not in lockstep with Washington when it comes to China or on geoeconomics more widely.
00:48:39.810 --> 00:48:44.370
And I think this, this for me at least points to what the real Titan vendor would actually be,
00:48:44.370 --> 00:48:48.530
which is a clear strategic approach. And we've mentioned different strategic cultures.
00:48:48.530 --> 00:48:51.250
But Ben, I want to come back to you first on this because you,
00:48:51.250 --> 00:48:54.610
you talked about strategic autonomy and so on. And we could disagree whether that's autonomy
00:48:54.610 --> 00:48:58.290
from the US or it's more strategic agency for Europe, which I think is a more
00:48:58.290 --> 00:49:03.890
compelling way to put it certainly to Berlin. But it needs a strategy. And every time Macron
00:49:03.890 --> 00:49:07.250
has put something forward on this, he's been waiting for a response from Berlin and it
00:49:07.250 --> 00:49:11.410
frankly hasn't come. There was a lot of frustration in Paris after the 2017 Sorbonne
00:49:11.410 --> 00:49:17.490
speech where he did lay out ambitious vision for sovereignty and agency. And we felt there was
00:49:17.490 --> 00:49:22.290
no response from Berlin. Now we did move forward, did a lot of things. I mean, at the end of the day,
00:49:22.290 --> 00:49:29.410
the relationship with Chancellor Merkel did give us the bonds on COVID, the recovery package,
00:49:29.410 --> 00:49:34.450
was 800 billion euros. But there's a lot more to do as you talked about geoeconomics. I mean,
00:49:34.450 --> 00:49:41.570
it is also the end of a certain naivete that trade necessarily leads to the pacification of
00:49:41.570 --> 00:49:47.330
relations. I mean, we've seen on the contrary that energy was used as a weapon by Russia as
00:49:47.330 --> 00:49:53.170
leveraged over our democracies. And we're going to find the same situation probably tomorrow
00:49:53.170 --> 00:49:57.810
with China. So the question is not to cut ourselves from trade, of course not, but it's to protect
00:49:57.810 --> 00:50:03.090
ourselves, to protect our industrial interests, to screen investments. And we've led 10 years ago,
00:50:03.090 --> 00:50:08.050
China by harbouring in Athens. I mean, so it is a good stake at the port in Hamburg.
00:50:08.050 --> 00:50:16.770
Absolutely, which was criticized by France, by the way. So it
is about giving ourselves the tools
00:50:16.770 --> 00:50:22.370
to be able to defend ourselves in this respect. But I don't want to be too defensive about it,
00:50:22.370 --> 00:50:26.850
because we were talking about it yesterday. It is also about making Europe a competitive,
00:50:26.850 --> 00:50:33.970
innovative continent. I mean, we've lost 20 to 25 points of GDP from the United States
00:50:33.970 --> 00:50:40.770
in since 2008, because the US has invested massively in its economic recovery, in its green and
00:50:40.770 --> 00:50:48.210
industry, in its tech industry, because it has extraordinarily competitive university campuses,
00:50:48.210 --> 00:50:52.930
etc. etc. And the capital market system, it actually works to move from start up to scale up.
00:50:52.930 --> 00:50:57.570
And integrate a capital market, of course. Right. Now, it's often said that we do need
00:50:57.570 --> 00:51:00.770
more leadership when we need more strategy in Europe. I've just said it, but Jonathan,
00:51:00.770 --> 00:51:04.930
you're too modest to say it, I'm sure. But we've got that leadership coming from the Baltic states,
00:51:04.930 --> 00:51:09.330
haven't we? I mean, your for freedom agenda is the bones of this kind of strategy we need,
00:51:09.330 --> 00:51:13.570
isn't it? It depends on how you want to find leadership. If leadership is just being ambitious
00:51:13.570 --> 00:51:21.250
and clear in our messages, then I'm very happy to take the compliment. But true leadership
00:51:21.250 --> 00:51:25.730
really depends on whether or not others will follow. And on some points, we've been able to do,
00:51:26.530 --> 00:51:31.090
you know, demonstrate leadership in other cases, we haven't been. So it depends,
00:51:31.090 --> 00:51:35.570
depends on whether or not we actually can get others to follow. The way it usually works
00:51:35.570 --> 00:51:42.690
is not by others following you, but by others taking your ideas on board and making those ideas
00:51:42.690 --> 00:51:50.930
their own. So a good leader, I mean, the fact that you're a leader is only evident during the phase
00:51:50.930 --> 00:51:55.010
where your leadership really is in question. By the time your leadership is solidified,
00:51:55.730 --> 00:52:01.490
those are no longer your ideas. They then become everyone's ideas. So there's a bit of a tragic
00:52:01.490 --> 00:52:07.330
note in that sort of leadership. But there's one more point I want to underline. Leadership or
00:52:07.330 --> 00:52:13.250
demonstrated success, a successful leadership is only heroic from the benefit of the hindsight.
00:52:13.250 --> 00:52:19.410
By definition, a leader has to put him or herself ahead of the pack that means alone.
00:52:20.290 --> 00:52:26.130
And at a moment before others join and take those ideas and make them their own,
00:52:26.130 --> 00:52:33.410
the leader is alone. That runs counter to every part of our foreign policy DNA.
00:52:33.410 --> 00:52:44.530
Never alone again is part of our DNA. So it's not, it's not an easy ride. It takes a lot of courage.
00:52:45.410 --> 00:52:51.650
It takes a lot of willingness to take risks. We'd rather not do it, to be honest with you.
00:52:51.650 --> 00:52:57.650
The only reason why we ever put ourselves out there, expose ourselves in a position where we're
00:52:57.650 --> 00:53:05.890
by definition alone is because we understand what the stakes are. And we understand that the risk
00:53:05.890 --> 00:53:12.690
of not doing so is far greater than the risk of sometimes putting ourselves out there and being
00:53:12.690 --> 00:53:18.290
alone. But I don't want to leave the people with an impression that this is a, you know,
00:53:18.290 --> 00:53:27.730
all heroic, simple stuff. It is hard. It's risky. It's rather terrible, I should say. I'd rather
00:53:27.730 --> 00:53:32.610
not do it. Right. And this is it. Leadership is a responsibility. It's a serious responsibility.
00:53:32.610 --> 00:53:37.330
Some take leadership when they get glory, but you rarely take real leadership to get the glory,
00:53:37.330 --> 00:53:41.890
if it's true leadership. Victories have several fathers. Defeats are orphans.
00:53:41.890 --> 00:53:47.570
We know that. And again, I want to underline this. You can only lead others when they buy into the
00:53:47.570 --> 00:53:53.970
idea that you represent. And then that idea becomes theirs. It becomes theirs. Great leaders in
00:53:53.970 --> 00:53:57.730
history. I mean, we talk about them as historical figures, but they were great because they were
00:53:57.730 --> 00:54:04.530
able to not just have people follow them as individuals, but have people follow that idea,
00:54:04.530 --> 00:54:11.170
the churchals of the past. And then the idea is shared by others. So you don't get to be
00:54:11.170 --> 00:54:17.570
heroic as an individual for long. People take your idea on board, and you're only successful if you
00:54:17.570 --> 00:54:21.970
manage to do that. That requires them to recognize what's going on. And yes, point we made about
00:54:21.970 --> 00:54:25.490
understanding central and eastern Europe, listening to those and understanding where
00:54:25.490 --> 00:54:29.330
leadership is actually coming from. So, I mean, it would surely be a step to the true site and
00:54:29.330 --> 00:54:34.290
vendor that not only Germany, but Europe needs, wouldn't it? Yeah, absolutely. And I mean, we
00:54:34.290 --> 00:54:38.930
talked about German leadership earlier in our discussion. I think it is very important at the
00:54:38.930 --> 00:54:45.570
same time for me, and this is really against the background of German history in the 20th century,
00:54:45.570 --> 00:54:51.970
to me, the embeddedness of German policy within the European framework is also extremely important.
00:54:51.970 --> 00:54:58.770
So one is possible only in combination with the other. And yeah, this is the way I want to see
00:54:58.770 --> 00:55:04.370
German policy evolve. I mean, it's a very abstract idea of peace. Again, it has a lot to do with
00:55:04.370 --> 00:55:09.330
German history in the 20th century and some other factors. But this is very important. And the idea
00:55:09.330 --> 00:55:15.330
that it's possible to contain the war and the conflict more or less to Ukraine so that it doesn't
00:55:15.330 --> 00:55:21.890
affect Germany and the European Union is very important in that respect. And I think, you know,
00:55:21.890 --> 00:55:27.410
what we see now in certain corners of the German political debate also, after the beginning of
00:55:27.410 --> 00:55:33.010
the election campaign has to do with that. In the US, it's different. In the US, I think this position
00:55:33.010 --> 00:55:40.210
is underpinned by the global strategic vision. And the US, I mean, these are people who argue that
00:55:40.210 --> 00:55:45.010
the US should have and must have their focus on Asia, on China. They are. And this again,
00:55:45.010 --> 00:55:50.370
reflects that strategic distance between the two countries rather than the similarity that's often
00:55:50.370 --> 00:55:54.290
actually pointed out. We see on the one hand a very clear vision of systemic competition
00:55:54.290 --> 00:55:57.890
that is there. And on the other, an attempt to salvage what you can from the flat world of
00:55:57.890 --> 00:56:01.570
globalization by clinging to multi-polarity. And that, of course, would be the negative
00:56:01.570 --> 00:56:05.330
interpretation of strategic autonomy that Europe would exist as that autonomous poll,
00:56:05.330 --> 00:56:09.090
regardless of values. And I think that's something that comes out very clearly from this
00:56:09.090 --> 00:56:12.690
conference is something that people are really trying to avoid here. But the message hasn't
00:56:12.690 --> 00:56:17.490
necessarily penetrated every other. Well, it's not penetrated all of the chancellories of Europe.
00:56:17.490 --> 00:56:21.730
Let's say, let's put it in that sense. Not only is China watching, the world is watching.
00:56:21.730 --> 00:56:25.810
And the world is watching us, who we've proclaimed to have the greatest military alliance in the
00:56:25.810 --> 00:56:30.770
history of the world, which I believe to be true, combined the population of more than a billion
00:56:30.770 --> 00:56:38.530
people, 440 million of us Europeans, in a fight that we've many of us have said is existential,
00:56:38.530 --> 00:56:44.050
like President Macron, Prime Minister Carlos, a fight for our future with a country that Senator
00:56:44.050 --> 00:56:50.290
John McCain famously described as nothing but a gas station with nukes. Okay, we're in this struggle.
00:56:50.290 --> 00:56:57.490
It's been going on for three years. And it seems to be a draw at the moment. So when we look at how
00:56:57.490 --> 00:57:03.250
the world reacts, not only vis-a-vis the war in Ukraine, but vis-a-vis the West in general,
00:57:03.250 --> 00:57:09.730
and we see them sort of sitting on the fence, then that's the reason why. That's the reason why.
00:57:09.730 --> 00:57:14.530
And there is no question, I don't think in anybody's mind, that in the, not even talking about
00:57:14.530 --> 00:57:22.690
the long term in the midterm, Europe is going to be successful in countering Russia. The question
00:57:22.690 --> 00:57:28.370
is about the Russia challenge. To look down the 21st century, the list of challenges is huge.
00:57:28.370 --> 00:57:34.290
Russia is perhaps not the most significant one when you look at it from a sort of a historic
00:57:34.290 --> 00:57:45.010
perspective. We don't come across as definitive winners of the century. And that's our fault.
00:57:45.010 --> 00:57:52.050
Obviously, everything is interconnected. Our success in Ukraine will lead to a credibility
00:57:52.050 --> 00:57:58.210
with regard to other conflicts out there. So I think we need to be, we need to be better,
00:57:58.210 --> 00:58:03.890
we need to be better at connecting those dots and pursuing a coherent strategy, not only in
00:58:03.890 --> 00:58:08.450
Europe, but obviously also globally. The historical anomaly of democracy's dominance
00:58:08.450 --> 00:58:12.450
came about by us really being the best we could be. We need to get back that winning mentality,
00:58:12.450 --> 00:58:16.450
don't we Ben? We need to get back that winning mentality. And I want to add something because
00:58:16.450 --> 00:58:23.090
we talked about leadership and communicating a definition of victory. And I say this as a
00:58:23.090 --> 00:58:30.210
politician, now elected in Paris. We should not forget that our public opinions are one of the
00:58:30.210 --> 00:58:36.370
fronts. And Putin is very aware of this. He's communicating his threats when he's talking
00:58:36.370 --> 00:58:42.450
about nuclear weapons. It's clearly about talking to our public opinions. And one thing that struck
00:58:42.450 --> 00:58:49.010
me when I was in DC in January, making the case with a few colleagues from the Baltic States and
00:58:49.010 --> 00:58:56.770
others to representatives, Democrats and Republicans making the case for unblocking the aid to Ukraine
00:58:56.770 --> 00:59:01.890
is that some of the Republicans who were skeptical did make, I think, an argument that was reasonable.
00:59:01.890 --> 00:59:07.090
They said, "President Biden has not articulated what our victory is, what our end game is,
00:59:07.090 --> 00:59:12.450
what we're going to use this money for." And I thought, as much as I wanted them to approve the
00:59:12.450 --> 00:59:17.490
aid, I thought, "Okay, this is not a crazy point." And it's really important that we do this. It's
00:59:17.490 --> 00:59:22.930
really important that we not only put it into the framework of what we've been saying, which is
00:59:22.930 --> 00:59:29.250
defending the existence of Europe, the
European security architecture, but also phrasing it
00:59:29.250 --> 00:59:35.810
very concretely in terms of what impact it will have on everyday living, on the ability of Russia
00:59:35.810 --> 00:59:42.290
to control the cost of food, the cost of energy, and how that would affect the purchasing power of
00:59:42.290 --> 00:59:47.570
the everyday French. And this is where I want to go back to what you both said early on. Yes, we
00:59:47.570 --> 00:59:52.530
should talk about the cost of defeat. Because the problem is when we talk about everything that
00:59:52.530 --> 00:59:56.290
we've spent and done in the last two years to support Ukraine, and of course, sometimes it's
00:59:56.290 --> 01:00:01.730
at the expense of other things, one of the problems in politics is that you never have the
01:00:01.730 --> 01:00:07.730
counterfactual. You never have the price of inaction or the price of Russian victory and the
01:00:07.730 --> 01:00:11.730
concrete impact it would have on our societies. And I think that's something that when you talk
01:00:11.730 --> 01:00:16.610
about leadership, it's extremely important to be able to regularly articulate this to our public
01:00:16.610 --> 01:00:20.770
opinions. Right. And that's exactly what the demand that seemed to come across in our focus group
01:00:20.770 --> 01:00:25.890
would suggest. But Sabina, last word to you, this is surely what the German government would need
01:00:25.890 --> 01:00:30.850
to do if there's to be a true Titan vendor worthy of the name to articulate that vision,
01:00:30.850 --> 01:00:34.850
clearly, and a strategy for achieving it, not only as a load star for policymaking, but as a
01:00:34.850 --> 01:00:41.330
rallying point for the nation. I agree with that. I wanted to focus on something different. I mean,
01:00:41.330 --> 01:00:48.210
I think it is important to understand that 2024 will be a very decisive year. I talked a lot
01:00:48.210 --> 01:00:55.170
at Leonard Mary conference with Moldovan colleagues. They are under massive permanent
01:00:55.170 --> 01:01:01.170
hybrid attack. If Russia advances and we know that it's not going well in Ukraine at the moment
01:01:01.170 --> 01:01:07.090
for Ukraine for reasons that have a lot to do with our own policies. If Russia advances along the
01:01:07.090 --> 01:01:13.810
Black Sea coast, Moldova will be under immediate threat again. Developments in Georgia are extremely
01:01:13.810 --> 01:01:22.930
worrying. I've been told by one person that he's not an oligarch. He's a monogarch. So the monogarch
01:01:22.930 --> 01:01:32.850
of Georgia is actually gearing up to a post Russian victory scenario of regional development.
01:01:32.850 --> 01:01:37.730
And he saw this as one of the reasons for the for the turn the Georgian government has taken
01:01:37.730 --> 01:01:44.610
over the past months and probably, I mean, it's a trend so several years. So I think 2024 will be
01:01:44.610 --> 01:01:51.410
very,
very decisive also with regard to our own states and societies. It's a super election year.
01:01:51.410 --> 01:01:58.610
So I mean, I'm watching this. I'm concerned. I'm a little less optimistic than you are with the
01:01:58.610 --> 01:02:04.690
prospect with regard to the prospects of success. So I think we really need to get our acts together.
01:02:04.690 --> 01:02:10.210
So, you know, don't despair, but act is the motto of this conference. And I think we should take
01:02:10.210 --> 01:02:15.330
it to heart. Absolutely. That speaks to the urgency that we have in our democratic moment and in our
01:02:15.330 --> 01:02:19.810
strategic moment. Thank you very much once again to our guests today, Benjamin Haddad, Jonathan
01:02:19.810 --> 01:02:25.570
Seviov and Sabina Fisher. Now, as we said earlier in the show, we did hear from Estonian Prime Minister
01:02:25.570 --> 01:02:30.850
Kaya Kallis herself, who in addition to her panel appearances at the Leonard Mary Conference in
01:02:30.850 --> 01:02:36.610
Tallinn, spoke to international media during a briefing at Stenbach House, the Estonian government's
01:02:36.610 --> 01:02:42.690
official seat. So we get to finish up our last regular episode of this season, hearing from one
01:02:42.690 --> 01:02:47.810
of Europe's most impressive leaders, don't we, Ben? We certainly do. And at the time of recording
01:02:47.810 --> 01:02:52.370
this special intro and the segues that we put between our different segments of this Berlin
01:02:52.370 --> 01:02:57.730
Side Out, it looks like Kaya Kallis is actually gaining a lot of support for a really top job
01:02:57.730 --> 01:03:03.570
in Brussels. Her name is very much in the mix for the position of HRVP, or the High Representative
01:03:03.570 --> 01:03:08.130
for the Common Foreign and Security Policy and Vice President of the European Commission,
01:03:08.130 --> 01:03:13.410
which is widely considered one of the top three jobs. Why is her name in the running? Well,
01:03:13.410 --> 01:03:19.810
there are some sort of quota based reasons. One is the party affiliation that she has, which is the
01:03:19.810 --> 01:03:26.050
Renew Europe or Liberal Party. And with Ursula von der Leyen likely to become Commission President
01:03:26.050 --> 01:03:31.410
again. And the name's in the running for the Council President of Antonio Costa of Portugal,
01:03:31.410 --> 01:03:37.410
from respectively the European People's Party, the centre right, and the Socialist and Democrats,
01:03:37.410 --> 01:03:43.250
the centre left, that leaves the Liberals needing a top job. So Kaya Kallis ticks that box. She also
01:03:43.250 --> 01:03:48.690
ticks the box of being from Central and Eastern Europe, which with von der Leyen, again in poll
01:03:48.690 --> 01:03:54.690
position for the Commission President, coming from Western or Northern Western Europe. And Costa
01:03:54.690 --> 01:03:59.490
coming from Portugal in Southern Europe leaves Central and Eastern Europe needing a top spot
01:03:59.490 --> 01:04:05.410
as well. And so she ticks that box. But let's be very clear, Kaya Kallis is not in the running
01:04:05.410 --> 01:04:11.010
because she ticks boxes. Kaya Kallis is in the running because of how impressive she has been
01:04:11.010 --> 01:04:16.530
as a leader, particularly over the last two years. And now she will have the chance, we hope, to show
01:04:16.530 --> 01:04:21.650
that leadership talent, to show those leadership skills on the top stage. And it would certainly
01:04:21.650 --> 01:04:27.090
be a massive step change from what we've seen from Josette Borel in recent times, if Kallis can
01:04:27.090 --> 01:04:31.410
bring the kind of approach that she brought to being Prime Minister of Estonia into the being
01:04:31.410 --> 01:04:37.250
the position of high representative. And she's certainly aware of the key challenges that we
01:04:37.250 --> 01:04:42.130
face. So let's turn to her now for our first answer in that press conference and hear from her about
01:04:42.130 --> 01:04:48.370
what their strategic priorities are for 2024 and how serious the challenge in Ukraine actually is.
01:04:48.370 --> 01:04:58.210
I think 2024 is really a year of strategic defense. I think what I said yesterday,
01:04:58.210 --> 01:05:06.610
in 2023 we were maybe overly optimistic. I mean, everybody was talking about the
01:05:06.610 --> 01:05:14.130
counter offensive and big disappointments come from big expectations. So I think we
01:05:14.130 --> 01:05:24.050
should avoid a mistake of being overly pessimistic in 2024. Yes, we need to be very honest and open
01:05:24.050 --> 01:05:33.170
about this. The support needs to get to Ukraine, sure, but fast. And we have to make sure that
01:05:33.170 --> 01:05:40.770
we do not create pessimism from pessimism. I mean, that, you know, this is all circling around.
01:05:40.770 --> 01:05:46.210
This would lead to inaction. It's like, okay, there's nothing to do there. You know, it's all
01:05:46.210 --> 01:05:55.090
going down. So we don't have to do anything. But I think this is wrong. We still have to
01:05:55.090 --> 01:06:02.930
believe in Ukraine's victory and also build our strategies around that. All the actions we do will
01:06:02.930 --> 01:06:09.170
follow that suit. So Ben Kallis encouraged us just there to keep believing in Ukraine's victory.
01:06:09.170 --> 01:06:13.970
But we also heard from Estonian Foreign Minister Marga Sakna on our talent side out special with
01:06:13.970 --> 01:06:19.330
Timothy Snyder, Elliot Cohen, and Anna Isabel-Zavier that we can't just believe we have to act.
01:06:19.330 --> 01:06:24.610
But believing in victory first helps you figure out how to act, right? It is the first step.
01:06:24.610 --> 01:06:29.810
Well, it does. For that, you have to understand why we need to win, why it's so absolutely crucial
01:06:29.810 --> 01:06:35.570
that Ukraine and indeed the whole of Europe
wins a common victory, as Robin Wagner told us on our
01:06:35.570 --> 01:06:40.770
Pillars of Victory episode in Ukraine and that Russia is defeated there. So you have to understand
01:06:40.770 --> 01:06:45.490
that. But I'd actually also point to something Elliot Cohen said in that episode, where he
01:06:45.490 --> 01:06:50.610
talked about the psychologist William James and saying that you don't do brave things because
01:06:50.610 --> 01:06:55.570
you have brave feelings, but rather you get the brave feelings when you do brave things.
01:06:55.570 --> 01:07:00.050
And when you commit to winning, that will make winners of us all. And that's the attitude I
01:07:00.050 --> 01:07:04.770
think we actually have to take. So Prime Minister Kallis said something about this too, this
01:07:05.730 --> 01:07:11.890
action that you get from that attitude. So specifically what we as a collective West have
01:07:11.890 --> 01:07:17.010
to commit concretely to get to victory. Our promise is to not save lives. The actual
01:07:17.010 --> 01:07:26.370
weapons in the hands of Ukrainian soldiers do. Actually, air defense does. So that's why we need
01:07:26.370 --> 01:07:36.290
to really deliver. Sometimes I feel that many things are mixed up in the picture. The promise
01:07:36.290 --> 01:07:46.050
is giving to Ukraine, long term promises and actual deliverables. So if we put them all together,
01:07:46.050 --> 01:07:51.650
we can bat ourselves in the back and say that, oh, we have done a lot. But actually,
01:07:51.650 --> 01:08:00.450
when I hear they all go through the NATO's bases in Poland and they actually know what
01:08:00.450 --> 01:08:09.890
Ukraine is getting. And that is not the promises, the slogans, what we hear. So that is a real
01:08:09.890 --> 01:08:17.890
worry regarding this. Of course, our military aid to Ukraine has been over 500 million. And this
01:08:17.890 --> 01:08:26.370
amounts to more than 1.3 percent of our GDP. We have also agreed to allocate long term support,
01:08:26.370 --> 01:08:37.330
0.25 percent of our GDP from 24 to 27 to Ukraine as military aid. And if all countries would do
01:08:37.330 --> 01:08:44.690
the same, then it would actually lead to Ukraine's victory. Ben, as you've said before, we're often
01:08:44.690 --> 01:08:50.050
afraid of our own power in the West. What would happen if we actually did act appropriately to
01:08:50.050 --> 01:08:55.250
bring about our strategic objectives? Now, part of that is because the Russian narrative isn't
01:08:55.250 --> 01:09:01.090
questioned nearly enough in the West. Russia is a country with an economy smaller than Canada's,
01:09:01.090 --> 01:09:05.250
but it occupies a big spot in our collective Western imagination. So we've heard from the
01:09:05.250 --> 01:09:11.170
Prime Minister there about what we need to do, the acts that we need to take to bring about
01:09:11.170 --> 01:09:16.610
our strategic objectives. But Ben, as you've said before, often we're afraid of our own power to do
01:09:16.610 --> 01:09:22.050
that. Now, part of that is because the Russian narrative isn't questioned nearly enough in the
01:09:22.050 --> 01:09:26.690
West. It is a country with an economy that is smaller than Canada's, actually, but it occupies
01:09:26.690 --> 01:09:31.490
a big spot in our collective Western imagination, doesn't it? It does. And this is a really
01:09:31.490 --> 01:09:35.970
interesting point because this is where Russia's approach mirrors that of the populists in our own
01:09:35.970 --> 01:09:41.010
societies and the anti-democratic forces, which comes as no surprise. I mean, Russia has absolutely
01:09:41.010 --> 01:09:45.890
zero soft power. We're not going to see people moving en masse to Russia or suggesting that we
01:09:45.890 --> 01:09:51.250
really adopt the Russian model. Because when implied in practice, what that Russian model means too
01:09:51.250 --> 01:09:57.170
often is no inside toilets, rampant poverty, public drunkenness, poor health outcomes, domestic
01:09:57.170 --> 01:10:01.570
violence, and all sorts of other things that we've actually put largely into the past in our country.
01:10:01.570 --> 01:10:05.890
So it's like a step back in time. And if that's what you mean by traditional values, then well,
01:10:05.890 --> 01:10:09.730
you're welcome to them. But certainly that's not where I would see Europe's future. And I don't
01:10:09.730 --> 01:10:16.290
think anyone sensible actually would. The point here is that Russia pretends to provide a very
01:10:16.290 --> 01:10:21.650
simple solution to all of the West's woes. And for sure, there are things we need to fix in our
01:10:21.650 --> 01:10:25.730
societies. There are things we need to get right. We need to give people that sense of a credible
01:10:25.730 --> 01:10:30.850
sense of a hopeful future that we've talked about many times on the show. But certainly adopting
01:10:30.850 --> 01:10:35.330
the Russian approach is absolutely not the way to go about that. But again, it's about providing a
01:10:35.330 --> 01:10:41.330
very simplistic and simple answer to what are in fact complex problems. So wouldn't it be nice
01:10:41.330 --> 01:10:45.490
if there were such a simple answer? Well, there isn't. And it's actually about doing the hard work
01:10:45.490 --> 01:10:50.370
to understand how we go about both fixing our problems, but also playing on those real strengths,
01:10:50.370 --> 01:10:54.610
which have included the tolerance and diversity that you mentioned in alluding to gay ropa.
01:10:54.610 --> 01:10:59.170
We don't have to convince anyone of the merits of flat whites and lattes, I think. But at the same
01:10:59.170 --> 01:11:03.330
time, there are serious things that we actually need to fix. And one of the people who's been doing
01:11:03.330 --> 01:11:08.530
most thinking about that and how we actually put that in combination with resolute defense
01:11:08.530
--> 01:11:14.450
is Prime Minister Kalas. Now, one journalist asked the Prime Minister about that Russian narrative,
01:11:14.450 --> 01:11:18.930
and you've just provided a very, one of my favorite refutations of it that I think I've
01:11:18.930 --> 01:11:25.570
ever heard. But somehow it still sticks in some people's minds in the West simply because they
01:11:25.570 --> 01:11:31.890
don't actually know very much about how ordinary Russians actually live, which you've also talked
01:11:31.890 --> 01:11:38.370
about just now. There is still this idea that Russia is a bastion of traditional values against the
01:11:38.370 --> 01:11:43.650
gay ropa of a decadent West that we've talked about. So how should we address that narrative?
01:11:43.650 --> 01:11:47.890
Let's hear from the Prime Minister on this. It's a very good book by Timothee Schneider,
01:11:47.890 --> 01:11:53.970
The Road to Unfreedom, that shows that when Russia can't become the West, the West will become Russia,
01:11:53.970 --> 01:12:00.210
and how the narratives of the far right are actually meeting the narratives of Russia regarding
01:12:00.210 --> 01:12:06.050
Europe. This is that Europe is morally corrupt. That means all the gay marriages and all these
01:12:06.050 --> 01:12:12.210
things, not the traditional family. And then Europe is under a migration pressure, and that
01:12:12.210 --> 01:12:19.330
migration pressure is Muslim migration mostly. So now they are actually creating the situation where
01:12:19.330 --> 01:12:25.890
it's not the only narrative, but actually people see the migration pressure is there. They created
01:12:25.890 --> 01:12:34.370
from Syria, bombing Syria, back then Wagner in Africa, so that where do the migrants go?
01:12:34.370 --> 01:12:41.810
They go to Europe. So actually they are creating this and also from Ukraine. They all come to
01:12:41.810 --> 01:12:48.930
Europe. And what our adversaries know is that migration is our vulnerability.
01:12:49.810 --> 01:13:01.650
And therefore these two meet. Now coming to the European elections, then all these parties
01:13:01.650 --> 01:13:11.890
anti-migration, I mean, I think what we have to understand, I would say so, that
01:13:14.290 --> 01:13:19.410
Russia is weaponizing migration. Our adversaries are weaponizing migration.
01:13:19.410 --> 01:13:25.970
But they are also weaponizing human rights because they know that human rights are
01:13:25.970 --> 01:13:33.890
very important to European Union. So I mean, they push the migrants over the border. They
01:13:33.890 --> 01:13:42.690
create the problems for European side because they weaponize this, that it's human rights.
01:13:42.690 --> 01:13:49.650
You have to accept those people. And that is, of course, water to the middle of the far right.
01:13:49.650 --> 01:13:56.930
The far right, at least in Estonia, and I've read from other parts of Europe as well,
01:13:56.930 --> 01:14:06.210
they are actually quite careful regarding Ukraine. So they are saying that,
01:14:08.770 --> 01:14:18.770
of course, we support Ukraine, but we have done enough. So it is not so direct that they are
01:14:18.770 --> 01:14:27.650
against Ukraine or supporting Ukraine. So they don't go very directly, but they do this,
01:14:27.650 --> 01:14:35.810
the narratives regarding Ukrainians in our societies, and we have done enough.
01:14:35.810 --> 01:14:40.850
I mean, now our own people need support. And let's draw the line and have,
01:14:40.850 --> 01:14:49.570
that is gone, that is not our problem. So it is not as direct, but it's definitely going to
01:14:49.570 --> 01:14:57.730
have an effect because the populists are always coming up with simple solutions to very complex
01:14:57.730 --> 01:15:03.330
problems. One example of how Russian narratives can penetrate our society comes up whenever we
01:15:03.330 --> 01:15:09.010
hear arguments that NATO expansion provoked Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Now, Prime Minister
01:15:09.010 --> 01:15:16.210
Kalis was asked about countering this narrative, and she amusingly called it "my favorite topic."
01:15:16.210 --> 01:15:25.330
I have to tell you a story for this. Sorry, but it's also related to a book. So it's a very good
01:15:25.330 --> 01:15:35.810
book, "Marie Seretí, Not One Inch." Where did this idea come that Russia was promised that
01:15:35.810 --> 01:15:43.890
NATO is not enlarging? And it's a very good book, very good historical, I mean, very good work done
01:15:43.890 --> 01:15:50.450
and very well written and everything. And so I am in France. I have my birthday weekend, I get this
01:15:50.450 --> 01:15:59.330
book, I'm reading this book on the beach and there's an American couple just beside me. And
01:15:59.330 --> 01:16:06.450
they ask, is it a good book? I say, oh, it's so good book. And then we go back to Estonia. I am in
01:16:06.450 --> 01:16:12.050
airport or I mean traveling back to Estonia and I'm reaching the conclusion of this book.
01:16:12.050 --> 01:16:19.330
And I was like, how can she come to such a conclusion based on such good work that she has
01:16:19.330 --> 01:16:24.690
done? So basically that we should have offered Russia something. They have legitimate security
01:16:24.690 --> 01:16:32.530
interests or whatever. Why I'm telling this is that then I said that I really, first I thought that,
01:16:32.530 --> 01:16:37.650
oh my god, I recommended this book to the Americans and now they are thinking that we should offer
01:16:37.650 --> 01:16:46.130
something to Russia. But then I said to Munich Security Conference, you know, Christa Fosken,
01:16:46.130 --> 01:16:52.370
I said that can you invite her? I really want to debate her on the conclusion. And he said, fine.
01:16:52.370 --> 01:17:01.570
And we had this debate there regarding this, whether it was promised or not. And whether there
01:17:01.570 --> 01:17:10.930
should be something offered to them. By the way, she also
told that, you know, she's a historian
01:17:10.930 --> 01:17:17.010
working in a university and she gets a call from Jens Stoltenberg's office and they say that,
01:17:17.010 --> 01:17:22.050
you know, Jens Stoltenberg wants to have a dinner with you because Kajagal has recommended your book.
01:17:22.050 --> 01:17:29.250
And he has read the book and he wants to discuss this. It's like, okay, I get the dinner two hours
01:17:29.250 --> 01:17:34.370
with Jens Stoltenberg because you recommended the book. But anyway, so I think there are a lot
01:17:34.370 --> 01:17:39.330
of good arguments. One is that what I tried to, what I say in the global south is that
01:17:39.890 --> 01:17:46.770
every country has the right to choose their defense alliances. I mean, believe me, read this
01:17:46.770 --> 01:17:53.570
book and you can understand they didn't want us in NATO. We worked so hard to get into NATO. So it
01:17:53.570 --> 01:17:59.250
wasn't like NATO wants to expand. No, we wanted to get in because we have a neighbor like this.
01:17:59.250 --> 01:18:08.290
Because we are in NATO, we don't have a war like Ukraine has because we are under NATO's umbrella.
01:18:09.170 --> 01:18:22.450
And it is not about, you know, NATO is not about, it's not threatening Russia. Not the single
01:18:22.450 --> 01:18:29.810
European or NATO country is threatening Russia. I mean, not Latvians, not us. We are not declaring war
01:18:29.810 --> 01:18:38.850
on Russia. No, definitely not. So we are not presenting any threats. So what are they afraid of?
01:18:39.570 --> 01:18:50.450
So, I mean, these are the things and I think what mostly works is that it was our wish.
01:18:50.450 --> 01:18:57.330
We worked so hard. We are able to really confront this narrative, but it keeps on popping up.
01:18:57.330 --> 01:19:01.650
And this is such an important point that Prime Minister Kallas made there, talking about the very
01:19:01.650 --> 01:19:06.370
real struggle that actually Central and Eastern European states had in order to convince the
01:19:06.370 --> 01:19:11.250
existing NATO states at the time that they belonged in that exclusive alliance. Well,
01:19:11.250 --> 01:19:14.770
they have really shown the value of having them in. They have shown they not only belong,
01:19:14.770 --> 01:19:19.970
but can lead the way as Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently said. And frankly,
01:19:19.970 --> 01:19:24.690
they are setting an example for a lot of the rest of the alliance and will be at the heart and
01:19:24.690 --> 01:19:30.370
hopefully at the head of the European pillar that NATO truly needs if it is actually going to not
01:19:30.370 --> 01:19:35.330
only survive but thrive going forward. Now, there is another very important aspect of this,
01:19:35.330 --> 01:19:39.810
which is about self-determination, of course. And this is the difference between a sphere of
01:19:39.810 --> 01:19:45.010
influence as empires like Russia would seek to
have and a sphere of integration where countries
01:19:45.010 --> 01:19:49.570
can collectively determine which alliances they would like to try and be part of. Now,
01:19:49.570 --> 01:19:53.330
of course, they have to convince the others, but they have the right themselves to try and
01:19:53.330 --> 01:19:58.770
understand for themselves which alliances to join. Now, of course, this is a key point that relates
01:19:58.770 --> 01:20:03.730
also to colonialism and histories of empire. And we know that doesn't only pertain in Europe,
01:20:03.730 --> 01:20:08.770
of course, it pertains all around the world. And it's a particularly big question when we talk
01:20:08.770 --> 01:20:13.170
about relations with the global south, which is why I think it would be extremely interesting if
01:20:13.170 --> 01:20:17.890
Prime Minister Kalas were to be appointed as high representative for the common foreign and security
01:20:17.890 --> 01:20:22.770
policy. She would have a point of difference coming from a small country or smaller country. And
01:20:22.770 --> 01:20:27.090
remember, it's the size of the fight in the dog, not the dog in the fight that counts in a lot of
01:20:27.090 --> 01:20:32.210
these things. But coming from a smaller country that was indeed colonized and occupied rather
01:20:32.210 --> 01:20:37.170
than coming from a former imperial nation, she would have a different point from which to launch
01:20:37.170 --> 01:20:42.850
off discussions with the global south. So let's hear what she had to say about that issue.
01:20:42.850 --> 01:20:48.530
I think we have a very good position. And that is that we have never colonized anybody. We don't
01:20:48.530 --> 01:20:59.090
have that as small countries. So we are not suspected of really pushing forward our own
01:20:59.090 --> 01:21:08.210
interests when we talk about these struggles. And I think that is our strength, what we have to
01:21:08.210 --> 01:21:18.930
use, especially with the global south and countries all around the world to explain what is at stake
01:21:18.930 --> 01:21:33.010
here. Yes, you know, Russia is working hard also to convince the countries from other parts of
01:21:33.010 --> 01:21:39.810
the world to see the world how they are seeing this. We have to do the same.
01:21:39.810 --> 01:21:44.770
So actually understanding this as a global struggle, one in which we all have interest
01:21:44.770 --> 01:21:49.090
at stake, or at least certainly those who would wish to live in a democratic and free future,
01:21:49.090 --> 01:21:52.690
wherever they reside, be that in the north, the south, the east or the west,
01:21:52.690 --> 01:21:57.810
that is part of the key challenge that the new HRVP will actually have. And one point that
01:21:57.810 --> 01:22:04.530
really stood out to me, Aaron, when we were in Tallinn, was echoing the words of the historian
01:22:04.530 --> 01:22:09.650
Timothy Snyder in saying that we have to treat these different incidents of democracies under
01:22:09.650 --> 01:22:15.730
attack of authoritarian aggression, not as individual isolated cases, but as part of a
01:22:15.730 --> 01:22:20.210
wider connected phenomenon. Now, of course, that doesn't mean these things are all done
01:22:20.210 --> 01:22:25.650
in coordination or they're all done in through some kind of conspiratorial mechanism. But what
01:22:25.650 --> 01:22:30.450
they have in common is that they put democracy under threat and they put freedom under threat.
01:22:30.450 --> 01:22:35.890
And so we need to present a clear, strong and united front against them. And one of the most
01:22:35.890 --> 01:22:42.850
hot aspects of that front right now, of course, is in Ukraine. Exactly, Ben. And we've made the case
01:22:42.850 --> 01:22:49.810
before here that Russia is already at war with us, not simply at war with Ukraine, but actually
01:22:49.810 --> 01:22:56.610
with all of us. Ukraine is simply the flashpoint right now of that systemic struggle between
01:22:56.610 --> 01:23:03.890
an authoritarian Russia and a democratic West. That's something that our Estonian hosts in Tallinn
01:23:03.890 --> 01:23:10.450
certainly understand, something that the Prime Minister certainly makes a point of continuing
01:23:10.450 --> 01:23:17.010
to stress. Here's what she had to say about this. What is important to understand is that
01:23:17.010 --> 01:23:28.130
there are different tensions building up all across the world. And Azerbaijan, Armenia, for
01:23:28.130 --> 01:23:39.330
example, Middle East, South China Sea. In 1938, I think a mistake was made to treat all these
01:23:39.330 --> 01:23:47.330
kind of Italian invasion in Abyssinia, the German occupation and all these things,
01:23:47.330 --> 01:23:55.890
Japan war, to treat them as isolated events. And I think we shouldn't do that now. So if you are
01:23:55.890 --> 01:24:06.610
not afraid of the war reaching your country, then the overall peace of the world in different parts
01:24:06.610 --> 01:24:15.410
should concern us all. But, yeah, Ukraine in defeat is definitely something that all the
01:24:15.410 --> 01:24:24.610
aggressors would learn from that this pays off. You can just, in 2024 or 22, you can just bluntly go
01:24:24.610 --> 01:24:31.650
and colonize part of another country and nothing happens to you. So you can do it.
01:24:31.650 --> 01:24:35.410
So we are in a systemic competition. The Prime Minister made that point very clearly here.
01:24:35.410 --> 01:24:41.730
But if we're going to win this competition, we need to be able to back it up with the necessary
01:24:41.730 --> 01:24:49.330
resources. Not simply to help Ukraine win, but to step up our own deterrence, to step up our
01:24:49.330 --> 01:24:55.890
own ability to be able to handle the geostrategic challenges of the future, which also are in the
01:24:55.890 --> 01:25:02.050
Indo-Pacific as well. Prime Minister Callis laid out the measures she thinks
Europe in particular
01:25:02.050 --> 01:25:11.330
should consider to get from, as you often say, Ben, from should to did, how we actually build
01:25:11.330 --> 01:25:19.170
that capacity. I also hope that other countries will follow suit because I think in European
01:25:19.170 --> 01:25:27.010
level using the proceeds is already a good thing, first step. But eventually, all countries will
01:25:27.010 --> 01:25:32.050
come to the place where the taxpayers will say that, you know, why should we pay for this?
01:25:32.050 --> 01:25:37.730
We haven't caused the damages in Ukraine. And this is a very, very accurate question.
01:25:37.730 --> 01:25:48.370
So I think we will get there eventually. Then, of course, on our own defense, we have to
01:25:48.370 --> 01:25:56.530
strengthen the European defense and boost our defense industry. The big gap is capital, access
01:25:56.530 --> 01:26:03.570
to capital regarding, you know, boosting defense. Good to see that the trajectory is going higher
01:26:03.570 --> 01:26:12.290
and it reached 360 billion defence spending of countries last year, euros. Then it was
01:26:12.290 --> 01:26:20.530
360 billion euros last year. This is the level not seen since the Cold War. But it's still
01:26:20.530 --> 01:26:30.690
not enough. I mean, only 18 countries are reaching 2 percent this year. And in 23 was 11 percent,
01:26:30.690 --> 01:26:42.210
but still it's not 32 countries of NATO. And of course, closing the existing gaps in our
01:26:42.210 --> 01:26:47.970
security and defence. That also means boosting the defense industry. And there, of course,
01:26:47.970 --> 01:26:56.210
it is, we have proposed the Euro bonds. We are pushing this forward. France is supporting.
01:26:56.210 --> 01:27:02.210
And we have some other countries also on board. We have some countries who are very much against
01:27:02.210 --> 01:27:09.570
this. But, you know, we have done this when we really understand that we are in crisis. I mean,
01:27:09.570 --> 01:27:14.690
in terms of COVID, everybody understood that, you know, we have to act fast. So we raise capital
01:27:14.690 --> 01:27:19.730
together. And I think, you know, this illustrates that not only all countries understand that we
01:27:19.730 --> 01:27:26.050
are in this crisis now, we have to act now. But we are working on that. We also did the defence
01:27:26.050 --> 01:27:35.330
investment fund in order to put the seed money into the defence industry so that to open up the
01:27:36.050 --> 01:27:44.130
capital of private funds as well. I also need to point out the shadow war that is going on
01:27:44.130 --> 01:27:51.330
against our societies. So Russia is really wanting to sow fear in our societies and also
01:27:51.330 --> 01:27:57.810
make us refrain from supporting Ukraine. We see different hybrid types of attacks in different
01:27:57.810 --> 01:28:04.210
parts of the European Union. I think it would be a mistake to treat them in isolation. For
example,
01:28:04.210 --> 01:28:13.650
one intelligence office, they were telling that we are saying to another member state that, you
01:28:13.650 --> 01:28:23.090
know, we see that Russians, they have plans to attack your warehouse. And then when there is a
01:28:23.090 --> 01:28:28.850
fire in the warehouse, then the other country says that, oh, we are going to invest the fire and we
01:28:28.850 --> 01:28:35.410
don't know it's Russians. Although the intelligence told them two weeks before that the Russians want
01:28:35.410 --> 01:28:45.170
to attack this warehouse. So the point being that I feel that there is this innate understanding
01:28:45.170 --> 01:28:50.930
or hope that it's not Russians. I think if we are treating these in isolation, then we don't
01:28:50.930 --> 01:28:58.050
understand how serious the situation really is. And Aaron, I'm sure you were as glad as I to see
01:28:58.050 --> 01:29:03.490
that in fact, since Prime Minister Kala spoke, the number of countries meeting that 2% target has
01:29:03.490 --> 01:29:07.730
in fact risen. The NATO figures that have been announced ahead of the Washington summit show
01:29:07.730 --> 01:29:12.690
that now 20 of the Alliance members are meeting that target. But don't forget that target is a
01:29:12.690 --> 01:29:18.450
flaw, not a ceiling. And it also depends what you get for your money there that will determine the
01:29:18.450 --> 01:29:23.170
capabilities which really actually are what we need to be focusing on. 2% is good political
01:29:23.170 --> 01:29:30.130
shorthand, 2.5% would be better. And I think we can expect to see an increase in that flaw at some
01:29:30.130 --> 01:29:34.210
point in the next couple of years, perhaps even already from the Washington summit, let's see.
01:29:34.210 --> 01:29:40.610
But it depends on those capabilities that we need. And that's where the EU has to get its act together
01:29:40.610 --> 01:29:46.770
and work together with NATO in order to help boost the defense industrial base in Europe and to make
01:29:46.770 --> 01:29:51.650
sure that we're procuring the strategic enablers, the strategic strike capability, the military
01:29:51.650 --> 01:29:57.090
mobility assets that we need in order to actually be able to bear the bulk of conventional deterrence
01:29:57.090 --> 01:30:03.410
responsibility in Europe ourselves. Now, that's something that it wouldn't matter whether Donald
01:30:03.410 --> 01:30:07.490
Trump were elected again, were elected again, or Joe Biden gets a second term. It's something that
01:30:07.490 --> 01:30:12.210
would be welcomed across the board in Washington. And frankly, I think it's the only thing that
01:30:12.210 --> 01:30:17.730
will actually really keep NATO together in the long term is if we see that real burden shifting
01:30:17.730 --> 01:30:25.090
the creation of a true European pillar of NATO. And unsurprisingly, Kaya Kalas was also rather
01:30:25.090 --> 01:30:30.610
clear about
that. We are not voting in American elections. So we have to work with every leader
01:30:30.610 --> 01:30:38.130
that the Americans are choosing for themselves. Last time when Trump was president, then all the
01:30:38.130 --> 01:30:45.250
allies actually invested more in defense. And that was a good thing on the European level. But I think
01:30:46.130 --> 01:30:55.410
still, I mean, we shouldn't be worrying or worrying about, you know, leaders of different
01:30:55.410 --> 01:31:04.050
countries, but thinking what we can do ourselves as Europe, you know, in spite of who is the
01:31:04.050 --> 01:31:08.930
president of the United States. And that means that we have to invest more in our defense.
01:31:08.930 --> 01:31:15.250
Everybody, all the allies who have also had the defense investment pledge, and we have to boost
01:31:15.250 --> 01:31:20.610
our defense industry. We have to make sure that all these things are interoperable,
01:31:20.610 --> 01:31:27.170
that we do the exercises together, and all these things that we are trying to do here,
01:31:27.170 --> 01:31:38.770
that we would actually be able to defend NATO, I mean, here, if the threat is here.
01:31:38.770 --> 01:31:43.650
And so talking about then the possibility of a Donald Trump victory,
01:31:43.650 --> 01:31:48.370
or indeed a Joe Biden victory, brings us to thinking about how we need to actually fix
01:31:48.370 --> 01:31:53.890
our own roof in order to make sure that we have the democracies that are worth defending,
01:31:53.890 --> 01:31:59.010
that live up to their promise at home to our citizens, that enough of our people are actually
01:31:59.010 --> 01:32:04.930
satisfied with our system to buy into it, and to therefore create the truly resilient societies
01:32:04.930 --> 01:32:09.250
that we will need to win this systemic competition. And this is something that was very much understood
01:32:09.250 --> 01:32:15.090
during the Cold War. It was something that leaders around Europe and the US, even Richard Nixon,
01:32:15.090 --> 01:32:20.690
understood this interestingly, addressing a group of NATO leaders in 1973, he talked about the
01:32:20.690 --> 01:32:25.730
welfare state and the importance of the welfare state, and social housing provision, and so on.
01:32:25.730 --> 01:32:30.370
Because what Nixon and also every other leader, I think, in that NATO grouping realized,
01:32:30.370 --> 01:32:35.170
was that our systemic competition, our war, is on two fronts. One is international,
01:32:35.170 --> 01:32:41.170
and for that we need the diplomatic, military, and security means as well as the right attitude
01:32:41.170 --> 01:32:46.530
in order to win it. But we have to win it at home as well. And we have to head off the threats to
01:32:46.530 --> 01:32:52.050
our democracy at home. And that means really giving our people that credible sense of a better future.
01:32:52.050 --> 01:32:57.010
It means increasing political participation, and perhaps a different political economic model too.
01:32:57.010 --> 01:33:01.330
And that's all things that we are going to be talking about on the small little PS
01:33:02.130 --> 01:33:06.370
to season two of Berlin Side Out that we've got planned for next week, isn't it, Aaron?
01:33:06.370 --> 01:33:13.570
Absolutely. I'm looking forward to it. And we will also have much more details on what's next for
01:33:13.570 --> 01:33:23.810
Berlin Side Out, as well as for us and our work on how we get to that strategic capacity building,
01:33:23.810 --> 01:33:30.770
how we actually achieve those objectives necessary to be able to secure our societies,
01:33:30.770 --> 01:33:36.050
but also ensure that, as we've often said on this podcast before, our societies remain worth
01:33:36.050 --> 01:33:45.490
defending, that they are prosperous societies, that they are open societies, that we also win
01:33:45.490 --> 01:33:49.890
on that second front that you've been talking about then, not simply the military, but also the
01:33:49.890 --> 01:33:55.410
societal. So that's all for this special bonus edition of Berlin Side Out, partly recorded in
01:33:55.410 --> 01:34:00.770
Tallinn. Thanks very much indeed to all of our guests who were joining us at the Leonard Mary
01:34:00.770 --> 01:34:05.490
conference, which was a terrific conference. And congratulations to Helga Kalman, the organizing
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team from ICDS there in Tallinn, who made it such an intellectually stimulating as well as a very
01:34:10.930 --> 01:34:16.210
enjoyable experience for us all. Thank you very much indeed to Estonian Prime Minister Kaya Kallas
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for her time when she was speaking with the international media, including us at Berlin
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Side Out. Thank you to our project assistant Julian Stofler, our technical producer, Hendrik
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Werner and the DGAP team who made Berlin Side Out season two possible. And stay tuned for some
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exciting news about our third season, as well as details about the Democratic Strategy Initiative,
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which will look at how we get from reactive site and vendor to proactive strategy that marshals
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our resources to win the systemic competition. You can find links in our show notes, links to our
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guests and to some readings, but for now though, I'll be the same and tschüss!