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We have well over 2,000 riots and protests recorded.
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France is no stranger to protests.
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In fact, they have on average about 20 a day.
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Their current rate is about 65 per day, so it's three times more than the average.
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Conflicts of interest brought to you by ACLED.
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Hello, everybody.
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Welcome to another episode of Conflicts of Interest, a podcast whose name I definitely don't forget regularly, with my lovely co-host Braun.
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Hello, Bron.
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Hello.
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And tell us all, where are you joining us from today?
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Because your background is different.
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Yeah, Salzburg, which is incredible.
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I don't know if I this will be able to show for people, but this is the view, which is why I'm standing here.
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So beautiful.
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And for those who are audio streamers, it's the sound of music spot, right?
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It is indeed.
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My husband said that if I say that one more time, he's just not going to speak to me while I'm here.
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Or ever, it sounded like.
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Anyway.
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I love a fun fact, and it's beautiful.
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So just so you do know, the UK is grey and raining.
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I figured.
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Also, half-term.
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So I dodged two bullets.
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Yeah, that's good timing on the conferences front.
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Alright, so today we're going to review the week's news.
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We'll have, of course, something about Ethiopia and then get stuck into it.
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Although it seems like France might be a more pressing issue, would you say, Bro?
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Yeah, I think so.
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And some of the clips that we're seeing online, there's also lots of conversations going on between myself and the majority of the world's top journalists about what we can say about what's happening in France and just the scale of it.
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So you're absolutely right.
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Let's run through what's going on in the rest of the world first.
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So kicking things off with Ukraine, because there's Russian missile and drone strikes, they've killed at least seven people overnight.
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This is as President Zelensky seeks further Western support.
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In Sudan, more than 160 people have reportedly been killed in a new
Load full transcript
wave of drone attacks there.
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So this is fighting between the army and the rapid support forces continues.
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Yemen is still as busy as it was the last time we spoke.
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A deadly attack on security training centers reportedly killed more than 50 people there.
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So this is the renewed fighting involving Houthi forces.
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Quick side note, at what stage do we stop using the word renewed for that fighting?
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I think we should have stopped using it probably quite a while ago.
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That is now becoming a much wider, thankfully for the Saudis, I think, a wider conflict in that Egypt joined this weekend, not just in words, but is going to deploy forces there.
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Riyadh called off the forum that was expected to be taking place there.
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So again, it's just really reiterating that certainly Riyadh does not expect any sort of let up in this fighting.
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My sense is that this has gotten so bad, right?
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And the alternative, which was to negotiate out of it, is simply pushing the problem further down the road that Riyadh is going to try to do literally everything in its power to deal with the Houthis this time completely.
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What do you think they should be doing?
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Is there an answer?
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I mean, I think the Houthis respond to force and well applied.
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And they have intelligence now, of course, from the US and Israel.
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And the UAE is committed, as are other countries in the region.
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The Egyptian entrance into this was significant because, of course, a situation like that on the Red Sea is costing Egypt, I think it's estimated around 6 billion annually from lost Suez Canal revenues.
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So all of them are going to be affected by this.
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I think that in general they were holding off because they didn't want to engage with an Iranian proxy.
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But it has now gotten so bad.
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And of course, the reigning regional hegemon in Saudi Arabia is being so kind of militarily humiliated that there needs to be a collective effort to try to deal with this.
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And so what I think is going to happen is that, as I mentioned in the last podcast, my worry is that Yemen will be destroyed by Christmas.
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I mean, quite destroyed.
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And of course, the fact that the Houthis have pushed into new territory is going to place those people at risk when they wouldn't have been at risk if this had been done a few months ago.
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And the history of those dynamics is something that I think gets lost in the pace at which things develop there.
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So, you know, there might be a news break that something has shifted that might involve a how did we get hippies, but the developments happen so quickly and so often that quickly kind of falls out of consciousness.
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And so I think that it definitely falls into the category of a conflict that your average person knows slightly less about.
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So I think that's definitely one for us to unpick again, maybe from the start, get some of the ac letters on in the next few weeks.
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Yeah, I would agree.
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I think that it really has shifted in its tenor this time.
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You know, for quite a while now, they have had control of the majority of the population of Yemen, certainly Sana'a and the surrounding areas.
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They're from the north.
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They have had quite a tight control of that entity.
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And so they have been in negotiations on and off for quite a while again, getting some support from Iran, but making their own decisions.
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They govern through violence within Yemen itself.
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And so it was not a country that was moving in any particular direction.
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It was really seen as a kind of a violent orchestration of Uthi rule.
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This decision by the Saudis to stop messing about and actually take this threat seriously has come at a time where, of course, they're now starting to massively affect the Saudi economy, whether it's the oil economy, of course, the ability to transport energy in and out of the state, mostly out.
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And of course, that became much more important because of the Strait of Hornus.
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And really trying to cripple Saudi's reputation that it had spent so much time building as a Middle Eastern entry point for conferences, for Western businesses, for economic growth that was an alternative to energy, and they quickly destroyed that.
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We'll take time to grow it back, but first they need to get rid of this problem.
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It's like a threat lurking right beneath a lake, you know, it just pops up anytime it wants to.
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The cost of having it stay there is finally higher than the cost of just dealing with it now.
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Yeah, no, absolutely.
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And the events continue, right?
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So moving slightly further up then to Ethiopia, the updates are kind of far and few between and then thick and fast every now.
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So it's really kind of varied.
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What do we know?
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Where are we up to with the latest?
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We need to think about this as having three goals, right?
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The first goal, of course, is the elimination of the TPLF.
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That is continuing.
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So there's, you know, there's kind of an entrenched mountain fight.
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So if you you were keen on this conflict five, six years ago, Ron, so you will remember this state, where there was effectively kind of a drawn-out insurgency at several points around Tigray.
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But the TPLF retreated to the mountains when they lost key areas of Tigrae and fought from there.
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That's happening on a much, much smaller scale now, in the sense that the remaining Tigray defense forces, which are the kind of fighting forces of the TPLF, will have retreated to certain mountain areas and are in combat with the ENDF, the Ethiopian Federal Forces.
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That's very close to the Eritrean border.
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We have a map on the Ethiopia Alert page that will update people on that.
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But the elimination of the TPLF as a force within Ethiopian politics is underway.
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The dealing with Isaiah, of course, the leader in Eritrea is both a potential military problem, but most certainly a political, potentially diplomatic problem.
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That has stalled a little bit, in part because I think last week and the week before, what we saw is that Eritrea made moves to both go into Ethiopia, which could be classified as an invasion, which was a very dangerous move for them because they were going to be responded to in kind.
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And then the third goal, especially for the Ethiopian government, is of course sea access, which is a slightly longer term goal.
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But we've seen, I think it was around October 11th, 12th, some troop movement into that area.
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But of course, like that's domestic area for the ENDF, and so they can kind of move where they feel like.
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But it was along that border of the area in Eritrea, which is kind of a long finger on that region that really closes down Ethiopia's sea access.
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But I think at its widest point, it's only something like 40 miles.
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This is not kind of a massive geographic issue.
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It's an entirely political one.
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So, backing up, this weekend what we saw is an awful lot of international diplomacy here, with the US in particular coming out and making it extremely clear it is not allied with Eritrea.
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It is a much closer partner to Ethiopia.
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It understands the Ethiopian problem as separatists who have really tried to assault the Ethiopian state and it will not abide by it nor support any part of it.
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The second part that was important is that it really wanted to reiterate that it did not want yet another violent and quite difficult, complex situation emerging on that side of the Red Sea.
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Now, I think that Abby may read the first and ignore the second, but we will see.
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Yeah, and I think it was a few weeks ago before, maybe even longer, before this escalation, when we were talking about who is friends with who at the moment in the world.
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And I was saying, you know, is the Horn of Africa something that the US is likely to be paying attention to anytime soon?
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And there was a kind of yes, if, but maybe not because of how how busy that is.
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What do you think the shift has been for the US to come forward and say something?
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Well, I mean, it was Marco Rubio, who I think is both extremely reasonable and has previously had good relationships with Ethiopia.
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So it wasn't Trump who I think is believed to have closer relationships with LCC of Egypt.
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But I think that in general they're taking the situation with the Houthis and Saudi so seriously as they should, that they wanted to be clear that we're on your side here, we get the situation, but don't make a move while we're trying to deal with this other massive problem.
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It's interesting that they call the TPLF separatists because, of course, as we've discussed on this podcast several times, they are not separatists.
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Their attempt to go with the Alliance for Survival was an attempt to destabilize and to remove the Abi government.
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That's not a separatist move.
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And so perhaps that was called that, in that sense, in order to kind of simplify the issue here, which was that we don't believe that this is a legitimate threat to the Abi government with whom we are partners.
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We believe that this is just some group in the north.
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It's a very significant change from the attitude of US political elites to this situation, especially kind of pre-Praetoria.
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But like I said, I think Abi will have really appreciated that message.
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Yeah, and I think it's interesting you'll note about the simplification stuff, because I think with conflicts like Ethiopia, it is so complicated and there are so many moving parts that in order to tell anybody what's going on with it, you've got to have some kind of simplification somewhere.
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And then at that point, it generates lots of kind of irate reactions every now and again, rightly or wrongly about the accuracy, but you've got to start somewhere with these explanations, right?
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So presumably that's what they're doing in the state.
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There's literally every single component of this can be made extremely complex or extremely simple.
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Basically, as I mentioned, three problems.
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They've got a problem in the north with groups that don't want to be part of this federal structure, they've got a problem with a northern neighbor that is trying to make trouble, and they've got a problem with their own geography, both political and physical, in that they don't have sea access.
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And they believe the reason that they don't have sea access to an area that to every single person who would look at it looks like it makes no sense belonging to the entity it currently does, and makes a lot of sense to belong to the to the area it's connected to.
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That is a problem that they need to solve in order to be able to grow significantly.
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So that's their line, how they're trying to deal with all three problems.
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And the TPLF provided them a really good opening by launching new hostilities in September.
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So speaking of problems to solve, France is absolutely all over the news.
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And it's not like every time there's a protest in France, it gets a news story.
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Because there's quite often protests in France.
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And they are a nation who are experts at protesting.
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Some of the farmer stuff a few months ago, the, you know, where the tractors coming out into the roads, that was a spectacle.
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And this time round, I've even seen a homemade barbecue that travels in tram tracks and it's enormous, and they're kind of giving out food and stuff at the same time, which I think is iconic.
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But can you start us at the beginning here?
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Because the bit that maybe is getting lost in some of the more extreme images that are coming out, or the images of barbecues, is that this started with a group of kids, right?
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Yeah, I'll just put it in some context for you, which is that as you said, France is no stranger to protests.
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In fact, they have on average about 20 a day.
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Their current rate, which is an average, including this most recent period, is about 65 per day.
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So it's three times more than the average, but that's again an average, which is that it's been about 20 days above the mean cycle.
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And what I mean by that is this current protest movement, which has many of the hallmarks that it continue today, it's about 43 days and running.
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So as you mentioned, it started small.
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It started as a protest around the provision of proper school funding, and it has become extremely violent.
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There's about almost a quarter of all events that are happening within this larger umbrella of the movement are riots.
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And that's very serious because it's really only about 2% of these demonstrations tend to be riots.
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The only higher was when a young man named Nachil was killed in 2023.
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That had about 78% of a rioting.
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So about three of every four events were riots.
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But this is very significant, right?
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There is a tremendous number of arrests.
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It's across about 800 different locations in France.
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I did an analysis of all the previous quite large movements recently.
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I had to look up some really crazy things like lumpy skin disease cull, which was it's a farmer's issue, which was that like different cattle had to be culled that had been afflicted with this disease.
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But there has been, as I mentioned, the Nahil riots in 2023, farmers' costs, norms and imports 2024, Union Days and Anti-Racism 2025, the budget austerity issues of 2025, the again more farmers regarding this call plus the budget, 2025, feminist mobilization after the killing of Lihana, which was 2026, and these, of course, the school resources movement are super serious.
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We have well over 2,000 riots and protests recorded.
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There's about 881 distinct areas.
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One of the things I think that is particularly worrying about this, of course, is that as with any protest movement that takes on any size, it's attracting other types of movements that become involved, both because the security forces are distracted, but also because they take advantage of that momentum.
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Listen, France lives above its means, right?
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It always has.
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It has an enormous national debt.
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And it has been engaged in austerity, whether it's the budget or public goods.
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It's been engaged in austerity, and austerity is terrible.
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It really affects people on a day-to-day basis.
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In this case, the state of some of those French schools really did look absolutely atrocious.
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There has been some very shocking discussions about sexual violence to young children in French schools because of the inadequacy and the incompetence of school administrators to check the backgrounds of the people that they have in primary schools.
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Really shocking things, right, have come out.
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And in a larger sense, this has been a very, very difficult period for Macron, who of course came to power and succeeded amongst both right and left challengers by being reasonable, by being able to claim that France could live within its means and it could prosper under this type of government.
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And it's been a quite a failure to come to this point.
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Because am I right in thinking that when Macron first took over, there was an organization, I think the translation is, is it the yellow vests that were causing trouble at that point?
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And then aren't they sort of back in action now?
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And was that, as I I think what I was reading, that their involvement was the turning point between non-peaceful and violent?
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Well, in that assessment I did, my analysis didn't go that far back in particular.
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It went back to 2021.
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But there were, of course, like the yellow vests were around wages and, of course, cost of living, and then pension reform, the budget, all those kind of issues, right?
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There have been major, major events around these same protest movements, which is around austerity, you know?
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But France is kind of notorious in that its budget has not fallen significantly enough and its debt is unreal.
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Like unreal.
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And so France is just simply not making enough money to sustain the the way in which it distributes public services and runs the state.
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And just like in Britain, which we've discussed a million times, you know, like those are hard realities to square, but they do need to somehow get to a point where the French population has to live within the means of the French state, and the French state has to provide certainly adequate, if not quite good, public services in order to remain legitimate to the French population.
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Because as far as world leaders that you quite like go, there aren't many.
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There aren't many of them, are there?
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And and Macron qualifies.
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Yeah, I do like him.
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I find him very magnetic.
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But the criticism of him has been how centrist he is.
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I know, and I mean, listen, no one's gonna get points for being a moderate, right?
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The benefit of
being moderate is in the adoption of your policies without them being hijacked by the extremes.
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It's not that everybody's gonna suddenly agree that they're the best because this is a time of extremes, right?
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So the moderate don't get any sort of praise or support while they're trying to do these things.
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It will be later when somebody was like, oh, I'm glad we took that position, you know, at the time.
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I don't know what to say other than the big problems of France are no better solved today than they were eight years ago.
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And that's the really big issue, which is that it took a lot of political capital.
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And I think that he was a pretty steady pair of hands.
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I think he had really important ideas about how the EU should engage with its member states and how France managed, despite this pretty atrocious economic situation, managed to say an incredibly relevant, powerful country across the world.
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But these problems remain and they will cripple any attempt by any government to deal with the reality that's facing France.
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And so it's interesting you say the preference at the moment for extremes, like the world is getting more stretched.
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And I think there's so many examples, aren't there, of this kind of anti-centrist, and therefore we're gonna drift all the way to one side or the other.
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What's happening?
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There's videos and all sorts of reports coming from like Italy and and whatever about their various protest movements at the moment.
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Is that a similar cost of living thing?
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It is.
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I mean, I would actually say also that the Italian situation is far worse in the sense that this is decades into this situation, and there doesn't seem to be a huge amount of hope about how they're going to get out of it.
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Whereas I think the French are often held back by the level of bureaucracy and the depth of it.
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They have quite a lot of innovation that happens within the economy.
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It often has to be state supported, I think, in order to work.
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And they just have an enormous, an absolutely enormous amount of public goods costs.
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In the Italian context, which of course I wouldn't know that much about, but I'm sure Andrea would love to come on and talk about the Italian economy.
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This stagnation has gone on now for several decades.
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I don't actually think that the Italian state provides a huge amount to the Italian people, but I think
it is a structure that everybody has kind of warped themselves around because of its perseverance, I think, more than anything else.
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Yeah, I was reading in Le Monde this morning that in Italy they've called for a general strike on the 20th of November.
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But there's similar calls in Spain and Portugal for the 11th, because this is kind of Italy, Spain, Belgium, Portugal, as well as France, right?
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But not to the same scale.
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Yeah, I do think that everybody should understand that the austerity that people engaged in post-2008.
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So we're talking about almost 20 years ago, right?
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That austerity has worked out okay for some of the worst cases of 2008.
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Greece, Ireland, right?
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They have recovered to some degree from the absolute depths that they found themselves in at that point.
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People were talking about how there was going to be a reversion of democracy because of the mere enormity of the challenge that faced these countries and the economic hole they found themselves in.
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Both of those states, for example, all okay.
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They're okay now.
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If not far more prosperous than they would have been before, had they not changed some of their structures.
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But then you have these really key economic powerhouses of the, especially the EU in this case, Germany, France, the UK, and of course Spain and others, where they went through austerity, although not particularly strongly, I think, in those cases, although in Britain it was quite devastating.
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Then there was COVID, and now you effectively have states that cannot shoulder the burden that they need to shoulder.
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Whether in the UK case it is because of an enormous welfare state.
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But in the French case, it's also An enormous outlay in public expenditure and an insufficient amount of growth within that economy or the size of that economy for what it's sustaining.
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And in Germany, it's because they didn't innovate when they should have in order to take advantage of their own economic powerhouse.
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So there's different reasons for it.
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But in all cases, you see an irate population.
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Sometimes those populations are younger and can't find jobs in Italy, for example, or don't believe that what they are due is coming to them as in France.
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Or in the German case, you have, you know, slightly older voters looking for an alternative and finding it in the right and far right.
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You also have that
situation in France.
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There's some concerns that Marie Le Pen's party will be able to take advantage of these protests.
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I don't know, we'll wait and see.
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They don't have any answers either.
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You know, it's not like Marie Le Pen has a, you know, a perfect economic answer to what's happening.
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It's not migration that's causing this.
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Yeah, and the more irate and like hostile everyone is feeling about this stuff, the less likely anyone is to have one answer that will suit everybody.
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We've certainly seen so much mobilization this year in this way, haven't we?
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There was been with the Cockroach Jantas stuff and then all of the ice stuff that was happening in the States.
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And so I know we're um at AtLeb working towards a bit of a look at that, aren't we, from a global scale in a in a protest index, right?
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Yep, we certainly are.
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Uh that will be released in a few weeks now, I guess.
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I've got to start writing.
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I swore up, down and sideways to know how that I would and Tanya, that I would have it finished by the end of this week.
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And I swear to God, this is the first time I've thought about it.
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Had you not mentioned that now, you wouldn't have thought about it.
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Well, see, that the podcast yet again serving lots and lots of purposes.
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Um, so we always end up with a what fresh hell awaits question.
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So do you think that things are likely to continue in this direction for France and Europe?
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Oh, yeah.
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I mean, yeah, we're in for some dark days.
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Like I said, this isn't in the cockroach situation.
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There are things that the Indian government can change to make life for Indian young people more equitable, fairer, less pressured.
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The reasons that they're not are kind of entrenched political uh relationships or references.
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The French situation is a much bigger problem, which is that no one, as previously mentioned, including Le Pen, can fix this problem without changing the impression that France has about what the government gives to French people and their expectations around it.
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That's a very difficult problem to fix.
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And I love France.
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I think it's a great place.
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And Macron.
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You do, yeah.
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Maybe you should send him a letter of support or something at the moment.
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I hope he has he knows he has my support.
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But I also think that like there's ways to do austerity and there's ways not to do it.
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And, you know, having rats running around and we say is disgusting.
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Even in Britain, yeah, people wouldn't expect that.
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Even in Britain.
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Do you remember when people were just running around rob stealing things and looting in Birmingham?
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That's what I'm getting from this kind of energy because I think that's from the social space, those, I don't know what the right word, like the news fluencer, what we're hearing from that side of the world, is that it's such a shame actually that the student elements of this and are they demands or are they basic expectations for education has turned into what it now looks like when some of the kind of intervention and the the rioting and whatever has really, really escalated from a point that was peaceful and and reasonable, I would say.
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Yeah, you know what I would say about this too, which is that all right, I didn't grow up in a wealthy place, right?
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Ireland in the 1980s was the furthest thing from wealthy you can imagine.
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But we didn't have these problems, and it was partially because no one thought the state was actually going to provide anything other than the teacher's salaries and um, you know, a pretty good space to be in that sometimes was warm, sometimes wasn't, you know.
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But I think that there was a lot more community engagement in keeping things decent or clean or, you know, put together that we don't see anymore because everybody expects the state to provide it.
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Certainly an enormous problem in Britain where everybody kind of throws their hands up and says it's somebody else's job to do this, but I'm gonna complain about it.
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And it when you pay the level of tax that French people do and that British people do, you really can come to a point where you're like, no, I I really have paid for this.
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This is in competence to some degree.
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Yeah, no, I hear it.
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And everything that we've talked about with the UK, from getting a doctor's appointment to the potholes to bins and everything else, that frustration is always going to hit boiling point, isn't it?
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It's just where the fuse is.
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And it will be a very important part of, I think, any far-right campaign, which is the inability of the services which have been flooded with money, although they've also been flooded with needs that they're supposed to address.
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They've been supported, and yet you can't depend on them.
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And that's going to be seen as a failure of the kind of traditional two party system.
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